La búsqueda de un mundo diferente. La representación social que determina la toma de decisiones en adolescentes mexicanos usuarios de drogas ilegales.
- Autores: Fátima Flores Palacios, Bertha Lidia Nuño Gutiérrez
- Localización: Salud mental, ISSN 0185-3325, Vol. 27, Nº. 4, 2004, págs. 26-34
- Idioma: español
- Enlaces
- Dialnet Métricas: 2 Citas
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Resumen
- español
El objetivo del estudio fue explicar cómo y sobre qué representación social se construye el modelo que condujo a tomar la decisión de iniciar, continuar y cesar el consumo de drogas, en un grupo de usuarios en rehabilitación en los Centros de Integración Juvenil (CIJ) de la Ciudad de Guadalajara. Se trata de un estudio cualitativo, de tipo analítico-interpretativo de tres fases transversales. La población en estudio fue de 57 adolescentes usuarios de drogas ilegales que acudían a tratamiento a los CIJ. Para la recolección de datos se utilizaron listados libres, entrevistas de contexto, sorteo de montones y entrevistas a profundidad.
La representación social sobre la que se construyó el modelo de toma de decisiones fue la búsqueda de un mundo diferente al de su tradición familiar, que surgió de tres condiciones problemáticas provenientes del contexto familiar y social, en el que los padres esperaban que los hijos ¿aprendieran de los errores¿ y pudieran crear un mundo mejor. Los adolescentes tenían la certeza de que "a ellos no les iba a pasar lo mismo¿, creían que iban a poder construir un ¿mundo diferente¿. En el modelo se identificaron tres momentos: el inicio, la permanencia y la retirada.
(1) El ingreso al consumo que tuvo lugar por curiosidad, invitación de los amigos, sensación de soledad y percepción de un ambiente familiar poco cálido. Sin embargo, se le dio mayor peso a la voluntad propia. Este voluntarismo representaría más tarde la búsqueda de la salida. En este momento, prevalecía la idea de que ¿las drogas no son un problema¿ y los interesados tenían la sensación de que podrían dejarlas cuando ellos quisieran.
(2) La permanencia. El grupo de pares proveyó el aprendizaje necesario para permanecer en el mundo de las drogas. Esta etapa fue la más prolongada en cuanto a tiempo e inversión de recursos. Las circunstancias conflictivas asociadas fueron mayores en las mujeres.
(3) La retirada. Comenzó cuando aceptaron la ayuda ofrecida por los padres para buscar tratamiento. Se apercibieron de los problemas asociados, en función de cuatro criterios que habilitaron la redefinición cognitiva de la adicción como un problema: a) ellos mismos, b) el grupo de pares, c) el trabajo y la escuela y d) la familia.
Los hallazgos coinciden con la bibliografía al ubicar los tres momentos del modelo. En este estudio se identificó que uno de los razonamientos centrales para decidir el consumo de drogas es que éste no se percibe como un problema y se discuten las fuentes que alimentan esta creencia. Los razonamientos que acompañan la transición hacia el uso continuado, provienen ¿de la luna de miel¿ del usuario con las drogas. Otros estudios han documentado que mientras no haya problemas asociados con el consumo, éste no se define como un problema. Sin embargo, encontramos que experimentar con otras drogas parece ser una decisión más fácil de tomar que la de consumir por primera vez. El rol del grupo de pares fue determinante, al propiciar el uso continuado dada su experiencia en el consumo de otro tipo de drogas, y tal como lo señalan otros estudios, se encontró que dicho grupo de pares ofrece el sentido de pertenencia y la cohesión que facilitan mantener el consumo. Como lo señalan otros informes, la decisión de acudir a los servicios de salud se toma cuando se advierten los problemas asociados y una vez que se vuelven irremediables. Nuestros hallazgos revelan que sólo cuando la adicción es redefinida como un problema, se habilitan los procesos cognitivos necesarios para acudir a tratamiento. Por último, este modelo presenta los razonamientos sólo de quienes decidieron aceptar, continuar y abandonar el consumo.
Finalmente, los resultados pueden extrapolarse en aquellos adolescentes que pasan por las tres etapas de la adicción.
- English
Introduction: The main study’s premise was the conceptualization that drug users make decisions based on non-arbitrary reasoning.
On the contrary, such decisions seem to rely on common sense based on: lay knowledge; socially shared beliefs and attitudes; and experiences and affectivities that give meaning to their actions.
Drug consumption itself seems to be a social practice underlied by several decisions making: Subjects by themselves decide whether or not to consume, what kinds of drugs to use, whether or not to keep on using them, and when is the proper time to quit. One of the risks identified in the literature about drug consumption initiation is that drugs are offered by a friend, classmate or acquaintance. In the beginning, drug consumption is apparently maintained by peer pressure, and the search for treatment only begins when the problem seems to be unsolvable and difficult to handle. Nonetheless, which is the explicative common sense model that guided a group of users in rehabilitation toward their decision to begin, then continue, and finally, quit consumption? What representations and socio-cognitive processes support these decisions? This paper presents a study that revised a theoretical duality: the Social Representation (SR) and the Brief Family Therapy, under a multi-methodological approach, using associative techniques and in-depth interviews. The study of decision-making models comes from the psychotherapeutic tradition but it shows some limitations such as: ignoring the kind of problem, its evolution, experiences, historical-social background, and individual-society interactions. The Social Representation Theory is centred on the cognitive and social processes that make up the decisions of the addiction process. Therefore, the objective of this study was to explain how, and based on what social representation, the model that led to the decision to begin, maintain and quit drug use is constructed in users who are in rehabilitation.
Method: A three stage transversal analytical-interpretative study based on the above mentioned theoretical duality was carried out. The study population was comprised by 57 teenage drug users, being treated at Centros de Integración Juvenil (CIJ) in Guadalajara, Mexico. Free listing and context interviews were used in the first stage; the sorting technique was used in the second stage; finally, in-depth individual interviews were used in the third stage. Anthropac 4.9 and Atlas Ti software were used for data analysis. Results: The Social Representation (SR) on which the decision-making model was constructed was “the search for a different world” opposite to their family tradition, which emerged from three problem areas: (a) 90% of the families had gone through evolutive cycles of drug consumption. The behavior pattern translates into a behavior modeled on the definition of acceptable conduct. (b) Parents expected their children “to learn from their mistakes” and that “a better world” could appear regardless of the family emotional problems and the “barrio” context. (c) Adolescents were certain “the same thing wouldn’t happen to them”; they believed they could build “a better world”.
They believed that just thinking about it would hinder the possibility that “it would happen to them”, and therefore, did not see that consuming drugs was a risk. Under the above mentioned conditions, the SR that emerged was featured by three “moments”.
(1) Pathway: It could be explained as due to: curiosity, invitations from friends, a sensation of loneliness or a warmthless family environment. On the other hand, study subjects underscored that it was also a result of their own free will which would also be instrumental for the withdrawal. The image of a friend was embodied in someone emotionally close, such as a neighbor who would satisfy the missing psycho-affective needs. When consumption became evident to the family, there were reproaches, threats and aggression. Parents would make the teenage to promise he/she would quit taking drugs; nonetheless, it was not the time to quit because youngsters did not considered a problem. They were living a “romance with drugs” and thougt they could quit any time. (2) Continuance: The peer group modeled the necessary skills to remain using drugs. Study subjects learned about different kinds of drugs and about their use patterns, effects, prices, quality, sale points, strategies to get money to maintain their habit and how to avoid the abstinence syndrome. Women reported greater problems for drug access. Continuance was the longest stage, ranging between three and six years. Also it was the most costly in terms of investment and resources, since it was the stage when subjects suffered the greatest losses. Associated conflicts, such as a more hostile family relationship, a greater drug consumption and aggressiveness were more prevalent in women. At this time in the model, the idea that they could quit drugs on will power still prevailed, therefore the strategies used were to stay away from consumer friends, go back to old non-drug user friends, return home early and listen to music. The abstinence syndrome showed that these strategies were not working and, therefore, users realized that drugs were indeed a problem that justified getting help.
Nevertheless, recognizing this was a difficult step because it was posing against the conceptions and beliefs that they were still holding. (3) Withdrawal: Began when the subjects finally decided to accept the help offered by their parents to seek out professional treatment. They became aware of the associated problems in terms of four criteria that enabled to obtain cognitive redefinition of addiction as a problem: (a) they themselves became aware of:
their deteriorating health, the change of their habits and interests, and the “hit rock bottom feeling”; (b) the peer group, when the subjects observed their friends poor condition and wondered if they were looking the same. They redefined true friends as those that encouraged them to quit drugs; (c) work and school. Those subjects that were still working reported that they did not keep jobs because they would be absent or arrive late. School seemed hard for those studying; and (d) the family: one of the most important elements was becoming aware of their mothers’ deteriorated emotional state and the rejection by other family members. Discussion: Our findings agree with the literature by locating these three moments in the model. Furthermore we identified that one of the main reasons to decide to take drugs was that it was not perceived as a problem. This reasoning was partially nourished by: (1) the sensation of invulnerability or by a low perception of risk; (2) subject feels certain he/she can survive just as other relatives with some experience; (3) drugs are offered by an affectively close friend; and finally, (4) because they discover that drugs alleviate stress produced by a rather unstable family and by the resulting psycho-emotional and affective unease. The reasoning that accompanies the step toward continued use comes from the “honeymoon” established with drugs. It has been reported that as long as there are no problems associated with consumption, it is not identified as a problem. Nonetheless, we found that experimenting with other drugs seems to be an easier decision to make than using drugs for the first time. This fact is partially due to his/her experience that “nothing happens” and to the prevalence of the beliefs that “drugs are not the problem” and “where there’s a will there’s a way” that are anchored in the low perception of risk and the widely accepted value of willpower. In such a stage, the peer group assumed an important role in maintaining drug use by modeling skills concerning the experimentation with other kinds of drugs. In agreement with previous reports, we found that the peer group offers a sense of belonging and unity. As above mentioned, we also found that it takes up to six years to define consumption as a problem. Nonetheless, this apparently does not depend on time but on the kind of cognitive processes undertaken.
As it has been reported, we also found that when subjects decided to use health services, this coincided in time with this realization that associated problems look like irreparable. Our findings also revealed that only when drug addiction was perceived as a problem, was also the time when subjects changed the previously favorable image of addiction, and then, the necessary cognitive processes emerged leading them to seek help. Finally we consider that our findings must be extrapolated only in those instances in which the subjects have gone through the all three addiction stages
- español
