It is widely accepted that *-er/ni-̯ became -ēr/n- outside Aeolic, but the material in favour of or against this view has never been collected and thoroughly discussed. In this study, it is shown, particularly in the light of some newly identified forms, that the result of *-er/ni-̯ was both -ēr/n- and -eir̯ /n- in Greek dialects other than Thessalian and Lesbian. In Attic, there are dialectal forms pointing in both directions, but it is possible to cite parallels to this situation from other dialects. The paper closes with a short discussion of the word ἀμείνων.
© 2001-2026 Fundación Dialnet · Todos los derechos reservados