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No generally agreed-on explanation has ever been found for the -ă- of presents of the type Ved. dhắyati ‘sucks’, vyắyati ‘covers’, etc., where a normal i̯e/o-present would have been expected to show a long root vowel (*dhāyati as if < *dhéh1-i̯e/o-, *vyāyati as if < *i̯éh1-i̯e/o-, etc.). It is argued here, following a review of the possible alternatives (*dhh1-i̯e/o-, *dhh1-éi̯e/o-, *dhéih1-e/o-, etc.), that *-ắi̯-, without laryngeal lengthening, was the phonologically regular reflex of the sequence *-éh1i̯- in Indo-Iranian. Support for the non-lengthening treatment comes from the present type citáya-‘appear’, which can be equated with the “stative” presents in *-eh1-i̯e/o- of other IE traditions.
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