On the Absence of Propositional Negation from Hungarian Polar e-Interrogatives

• Hans-Martin Gärtner ^[1] ; Beáta Gyuris ^[1]
  1. [1] Eötvös Loránd University

     Eötvös Loránd University

     Hungría

     
• Localización: Studia linguistica: A journal of general linguistics, ISSN 0039-3193, Vol. 76, Nº 3, 2022, págs. 661-683
• Idioma: inglés
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• Resumen

  • It is argued that the ban on propositional “inside” negation in Hungarian polar e-interrogatives can be derived as a syntactic intervention effect. An Agree-based formalization is sketched that crucially relies on a diachronically motivated negative formal feature on the interrogative particle -e. A putative counterexample is taken to be echoic. We indicate a way to capture the echoic licensing of propositional negation within an extended formalism.