Disharmony and the Final-Over-Final Condition in Amahuaca

• Autores: Emily Clem
• Localización: Linguistic inquiry, ISSN 0024-3892, Vol. 53, Nº 4, 2022, págs. 809-822
• Idioma: inglés
• Enlaces
  • Texto completo
• Resumen

  • The Final-over-Final Condition (FOFC) rules out head-final projections that immediately dominate head-initial projections. Syntactically inert particles are known to show (apparent) exceptions to FOFC. However, Biberauer (2017) argues that seemingly FOFC-violating particles comply with a version of FOFC that is relativized to heads within an extended projection (Biberauer, Holmberg, and Roberts 2014). I present novel data from Amahuaca (Panoan; Peru) in which FOFC is violated by tense-aspect-mood particles within the verbal extended projection. I argue that this FOFC violation cannot be explained by the mechanisms proposed by Biberauer (2017). Instead, a view of FOFC grounded in restrictions on rightward dependencies (Cecchetto 2013, Zeijlstra 2016) predicts the type of exception found in Amahuaca.