How Subjects and Possessors Can Obviate Phasehood
- Autores: Nick Huang
- Localización: Linguistic inquiry, ISSN 0024-3892, Vol. 53, Nº 3, 2022, págs. 427-458
- Idioma: inglés
- Enlaces
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Resumen
Recent proposals on phases claim that locality restrictions are obviated when the subject of a clausal phase has certain syntactic or discourse properties, suggesting that phasehood is acquired over the course of a derivation. I evaluate these claims with acceptability judgment experiments and argue that these phase-related locality effects can be derived from independently motivated principles, such as Feature Inheritance/Value-Transfer Simultaneity or the Principle of Minimal Compliance. I further point out similar effects with possessors and nominals in English, expanding the empirical domain. The nominal data constitute a novel argument for treating nominals as phases and strengthen the case for a general theory of phases that can account for these effects.
