Teigo Onishi, Kanehiro Nishimura
Latin compounds whose first member is either a feminine ā-stem or a neuter plurale tantum seem to substitute their stem/word-final vowel with -i- (e.g. tībia ‘reedpipe’ → *tībii- as in tībī-cen ‘piper’ and arma ‘armor’ → armi- as in armi-ger ‘armorbearer’). However, we argue that the stem/word-final *-ā(-) prehistorically alternated not with *-i- but with *-o- in the first member of a compound and show that this restriction against *-ā- in the first member continues a morphological restriction against *-eh2(-) in compounding, which was most likely operative in PIE.
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