Lingua Null arbitrary subjects in Greek
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Evi Sifaki [1]
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[1] University of Roehampton
University of Roehampton
Wandsworth, Reino Unido
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- Localización: Lingua: International review of general linguistics, ISSN 0024-3841, Nº 252, 2021
- Idioma: inglés
- Texto completo no disponible (Saber más ...)
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Resumen
The present paper investigates null arbitrary subjects in Greek that trigger either a generic or an existential interpretation. Null arbitrary subjects in Greek are permitted with 2sg, 1pl and 3pl verbal agreement. The synergy between imperfective marking alongside a clause-initial XP (overt or null) results in genericity, whereas perfective marking alongside an overt or covert clause-initial XP corroborates an existential reading. Moreover, the difference between a 2sg generic reading vs. a 2sg referential one amounts to the absence vs. the presence of a D-feature (=[definite]) on the verbal agreement morpheme/inflection (i.e. empty [d] vs. specified [d]-marked verbal agreement). Contra Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou (1998), V-T movement is unable to delete the D-feature of the EPP on T in these arbitrary constructions. Instead, both generic and existential constructions satisfy the EPP in a uniform manner; an XP (overt or covert) merges on SpecTP and satisfies the D-feature of the EPP, whereas movement of the verb to T satisfies the remaining agreement feature bundle of T. It is further postulated that the defective verbal morphology of these constructions also satisfies an Arb-gen or an Arb-ex feature through movement to AspP.
