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Parámetros acústicos dos sons fricativos da lingua galega

  • Autores: Sabela Labraña Barrero
  • Localización: Estudios de fonética experimental, ISSN 1575-5533, ISSN-e 2385-3573, Nº. 23 (Estudios de fonética experimental), 2014 (Ejemplar dedicado a: Vol), págs. 203-243
  • Idioma: catalán
  • Títulos paralelos:
    • Acoustic parameters of fricative sounds of Galician
  • Enlaces
  • Resumen
    • català

      Existen diversos traballos descritivos dos sons fricativos da lingua galega, pero hai poucos e parciais que examinen as propiedades acústicas que caracterizan eses sons. No presente estudo exploráronse os parámetros acústicos dos sons que realizan os fonemas /f/ // /s/ /s/ // en cinco zonas de Galicia1 nas que se gravaron cinco mulleres e cinco homes que pronunciaron palabras habituais da lingua. A investigación deseñouse a partir dos fonemas do nivel estándar da lingua /f/ // /s/ /s/ // e levouse a cabo en cinco zonas de Galicia nas que hai falas con oposición /s/ // ou /s/ //, e falas con ausencia de //. As análises centráronse na forma do espectro onde se mediron frecuencia, intensidade e amplo de banda dos picos. Tamén se considerou obxecto de análise a frecuencia de comezo do ruído, a duración da fricativa e a intensidade relativa vogal-consoante. As emisións dos falantes correspondentes a /f/ // /s/ /s/ // foron clasificadas en grupos; así [f] [] [] recollen toda a variedade espectral perceptivamente identificada coas consoantes fricativas labiodental, dental non sibilante e sibilante postalveolar respectivamente. Os casos de /s/ /s/, cun volume moito maior no presente estudo debido ás zonas de seseo e ás marxes silábicas nas que aparecen, puidéronse clasificar nos conxuntos [s1] [s2] [s3]2 establecendo como criterio básico de agrupación a relevancia do pico espectral de maior intensidade. O contacto con vogal labializada revelouse decisivo en cambios de configuración da forma espectral, sobre todo nas sibilantes. As diferenzas na forma do espectro inducen a pensar en cambios na articulación do son fricativo, que se poderían dar tanto na zona de aproximación dos articuladores coma na parte da lingua que intervén

    • English

      The fricative sounds of the Galician language have been the topic of several descriptive works, whereas only a few partial studies have examined the acoustic properties of those sounds. In this paper we study the acoustic parameters of the sounds realized by the phonemes /f/ // /s/ /s/ // in five areas of Galicia3. To carry out this research, five women and five men were asked to pronounce common words containing those sounds. The study was designed considering several phonemes that belong to the standard language /f/ // /s/ /s/ // and was carried out in five areas in Galicia where there are varieties with an opposition /s/ // and /s/ // and varieties that lack //. The analysis focuses on the shape of the spectrum, where frequency, intensity and bandwidth of peaks were measured. Frequency of noise onset, fricative duration and vowel-consonant relative intensity were also considered as objects of analysis. The speakers' utterances corresponding to /f/ // /s/ /s/ // were classified in groups; thus /f/ // // capture all the spectral variety perceptively identified with the labiodental fricative, non-sibilant dental and postalveolar sibilant consonants respectively. The cases of /s/ /s/, produced with a higher volume in this study because of the "seseo" pronunciation and the syllable margins in which they appear, could be classified in the sets [s1] [s2] [s3]4. The basic criteria for grouping was the relevance of the spectrum peak with the highest intensity. The contact with a labialized vowel was crucial for changing the configuration of the shape of the spectrum, especially in the case of sibilants.

      Differences in the shape of the spectrum lead us to think that there are changes in the articulation of the fricative sound. These changes could be caused either by the area of approximation of articulators or by the part of the tongue involved.


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