This paper deals with the distributive binding of indefinite articles in French.
Quite usually, indefinite determiners have a bound reading which is triggered either by a plural NP in the sentence, by a distributive quantifier or even by the distributive, implicit interpretation of the verb. This results in a quantitative interpretation which depends on the trigger, and in the neutralisation of the opposition between "un" and "des", and for "des", in ambiguities between the free quantifier reading and several bound interpretations.
We examine some examples of these interpretations, and we investigate the conditions on which these bound readings appear, in indefinite but also in some cases in definite NPs without previous determination.
© 2001-2026 Fundación Dialnet · Todos los derechos reservados