Quantification et détermination dans les groupes nominaux

• Autores: Lucien Kupferman
• Localización: Détermination et formalisation / coord. por Zoé Gavriilidou; Xavier Blanco Escoda (ed. lit.), Pierre-André Buvet (ed. lit.), 2001, ISBN 90-272-3133-8, págs. 219-234
• Idioma: francés
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• Resumen

  • The study takes as its startpoint the related sequential schemata (cf. Milner 1978): (i) Ø de Le N X; (ii) Q de Ø N X which states that quantifying expressions (as beaucoup ... ) and the definite article component in the 'partitive' article displays a distributional complementarity. (ii), in fact, describes so-called 'quantitative' nominal expressions, but not 'partitive' ones.

    The following study is based on a QP hypothesis which intends to encompass (i), (ii) and 'partitive' constructions in one quantifying formula, where de fills the QO functional head. In such an analysis, 'partitive' article and 'quantitative' and 'partitive' nominal phrases will be of the following forms: (iii) [QP [Qo de] [op [Do Le / Les] NP X]] = 'article partitif ; (iv) [QP Spec [Qo(Qo de] [NP NP X]]] = 'quantitative' constructions; (v) [QP Spec [Q{Qo de] [op[o' DO [NP NP X ]]]] = 'partitive' constructions.

    We want to give a principled basis for that complementary distribution which goes beyond mere observational data. For that task we will rely on facts in Van de Velde (1995) and Kleiber (1998 a et b) concerning properties of the pre-determiner quantificational item tout which specifically prevent it from occurring with a definite generic article «(Ø I*toute) La puree se mange d'habitude avec du gigot). We will show that 'Q' in (ii) and Spec in (iv-v) are in a par with tout and that the explanatory framework given for tout distributional properties also apply in the case of these Spec items.