Recent experiments dealing with the role of coarticulatory effects in word recognition are reviewed. In contrast to a longstanding view, these studies tend to show that lexical access is not based upon an abstract phonological representation of the speech signal. Perceptual data collected using different experimental paradigms (gating, lexical decision, cross-modal priming, etc.) show on the contrary that listeners may be directly sensitive to small coarticulatory cues in the identification of words. The input to the lexical search seems therefore to be a detailed phonetic representation incorporating information about the finegrained acoustic structure of speech. Implications for current models of word recognition are discussed.
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