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Essays on labour market flows, immigration and persistence of temporary jobs

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2020-04
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2020-05-15
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In the last decades, the world economy experienced two striking transformations that shocked labour markets around the world, specially in developed economies. The first one is the boom in migration flows which caused an unprecedented increase in the labour force share of foreign-born workers in many countries. The second one is related to the emergence of the Great Recession in 2008, which had driven back the attention of macroeconomics to understand the impact of economic cycles in the evolution of unemployment and other macroeconomic aggregates. The rise in workers’ heterogeneity that resulted from the increase in immigration is, interestingly, proven to be essential to fully comprehend this impact. This dissertation aims to understand the heterogeneous impact of economic cycles on the labour market outcomes of different workers’ groups (natives/immigrants, private/public sector employees, temporary/permanent workers) and what are its implications on the overall impact of economic cycles on welfare and macroeconomic aggregates. In the first chapter, ‘Natives’ Responses to Immigration and the Cyclicality of Wages and Labour Market Flows: Immigrants versus Natives’, I document a number of facts regarding the immigration experience in Spain for the period between 1999 and 2015. Using Labour Force Survey microdata, I examine the cyclicality of job-finding and job-separation rates for immigrants and natives over the long Spanish economic expansion and the sharp contraction. During the expansion (until 2008) the job-finding rate was higher for immigrants than for natives, but both rates converged to a lower level after the Great Recession took place in 2008. I also find that the impact of the crisis on the job-separation rate was twice as high for immigrants than for natives. Using longitudinal social security data, I find that wage cyclicality is higher for immigrants than for natives: a one percentage point increase in the unemployment rate is associated with a 0.65% and 0.95% drop in real wages for natives and immigrants respectively. However, these differences only occur among low-tenure workers. Using the skill-cell approach, I study whether immigration is correlated with natives’ occupational upgrading or downgrading, regional mobility or changes in labour force participation. Immigration is positively correlated with natives’ occupational upgrading, while none of the other adjustment’s margins are significant. This study provides novel empirical evidence to enrich macroeconomic theories on the interaction of economic cycles and the impact of immigration. In the second chapter, ‘The Role of Immigration in a Deep Recession’, I study the impact of foreign-born workers on the labour market during a recession. This is relevant as many economies experienced large immigrant inflows before the Great Recession took place. To this end, I use a random search model of the labour market featuring vacancy persistence, endogenous return migration and wage rigidity. Consistent with the Spanish data, in the model some immigrants leave the country in the event of a recession, so they free up jobs for natives. Yet, since immigrants and natives differ in their match quality draws, immigrants also affect the firms’ job creation decision. While the return-migration channel is unambiguously positive for native workers, the calibration results for the Spanish economy suggest that the job-creation effect is negative. I find that immigrants smooth the recession and improve the welfare of natives. During the recession, the native unemployment rate would have been 2 percentage points higher in the absence of the pre-crisis immigration boom. Return-migration is the key channel since its short and long-run impact on natives’ unemployment rate is 10 and 2 times as large as the sum of the impact of the other channels. In the third chapter, ‘Lifetime Job Instability over the Life-Cycle’, co-authored with Rub´en Veiga-Duarte, we quantify the incidence of temporary jobs for workers late in their labour market career (at mid-career, defined as 30-35 years old). For that, we use Spanish administrative data from the “Continuous Sample of Working Histories”, which allows us to track workers’ entire labour marker history. We find that around 15 percent of workers spend more than 50 percent of their mid-career active time in temporary jobs. We also find a high degree of persistence in the time spent as temporary; workers spending most of their young-age (20-30 years old) employed in temporary jobs experience higher job-separation rates and find fewer permanent jobs later in their careers. Spending most of the young-time in temporary jobs is also associated with lower wages (around 10%) in permanent jobs, even at age 40. We then compare workers’ labour market performance at young-age conditional on their time spent as temporary or permanent at mid-career. We find that both groups start their careers with similar job-finding and job-separation rates in permanent jobs, but differences increase as they age. Finally, while mid-career temporary workers have lower wages in permanent jobs than mid-career permanent workers right from the beginning of their career, this gap remains roughly constant over time. This empirical evidence will be used to develop a theory that could help us to disentangle the underlying mechanisms that explain the observed persistence in temporary employment. In the forth chapter, ‘Labour market flows: Accounting for the public sector ’, coauthored with Idriss Fontaine, Pedro Gomes and Diego Vila-Martin, for the period between 2003 and 2018, we document a number of facts about worker gross flows in France, the United Kingdom, Spain and the United States, focussing on the role of the public sector. Using the French, Spanish and UK Labour Force Survey and the US Current Population Survey data, we examine the size and cyclicality of the flows and transition probabilities between private and public employment, unemployment and inactivity. We examine the stocks and flows by gender, age and education. We decompose contributions of private and public job-finding and job-separation rates to fluctuations in the unemployment rate. Public-sector employment contributes 20 percent to fluctuations in the unemployment rate in the UK, 15 percent in France and 10 percent in Spain and the US. Private-sector workers would forgo 0.5 to 2.9 percent of their wage to have the same job security as public-sector workers.
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