Resumen de Dissimilatorischer Schwund von /l/ im Griechischen
The paper examines possible cases of dissimilatory loss of one of two laterals in lexemes of Ancient Greek, comparing the contexts of dissimilatory loss of /r/ studied by Vine (2011). While /l/ is lost in onset position after C, it is dissimilated to /r/ in coda. As the process is sensitive to syllable weight, it may provide further evidence for Ancient Greek as a language using the syllable as its basic prosodic category in the sense of Auer (1993). The contexts of loss of /l/ are a subset of those of loss of /r/. Both processes are claimed to be due to the long transition features of /r/ and /l/ and a hearer-based interpretation of the signal as unique to one syllable, similar to Grassmann’s law
