Feature metathesis and the change of PIE *du̯ to Classical Armenian -rk-*
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Jessica DeLisi [1]
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[1] UCLA
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- Localización: Diachronica: International Journal for Historical Linguistics = Revue Internationale pour la Linguistique Historique = Internationale Zeitschrift für Historische Sprachwissenschaft, ISSN 0176-4225, Vol. 30, Nº 4, 2013, págs. 469-491
- Idioma: inglés
- Texto completo no disponible (Saber más ...)
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Resumen
This paper reexamines the correspondence of Classical Armenian -rk- with Proto-Indo-European *du̯ and attempts to explain the change in a phonologically plausible way without recourse to illicit clusters or ad hoc rules not otherwise operational in the language. Instead, the change of *du̯ to -rk- is analyzed in Optimality framework as an instantiation of the Armenian sonority-based metathesis. Instead of the expected segment metathesis, however, I argue that this cluster underwent metathesis only of the feature [±continuant]. The need for feature metathesis rather than segment metathesis for this sequence was motivated by a TETU effect (The Emergence of The Unmarked) due to the markedness of the segment [w] in Classical Armenian. The markedness of [w] in Classical Armenian is supported by the later glide fortition seen in forms such as gini “wine”, from PIE *u̯oinii̯o-.
