Enrique Arino

ABSTRACT Termez was one of the great Buddhist religious centers in northern Bactria in the Kushan period, as evidenced by the notable monastic complexes sited in the city. The stratigraphic excavations and 14C analysis recently conducted at Tchingiz Tepe, in a monastic cell (sector RC) and in a space for worship (sector RA), provide new data on the complete occupational sequence. In the present study we examine the reliably dated pottery contexts from these two sectors, aiming to create a preliminary typological classification of the Kushan and early Kushano-Sasanian pottery from northern Bactria. The data related to the chrono-spatial context and all the formal, metric, decorative and functional attributes of the pottery wares were categorized and implemented in a database. By comparing the pottery from the two sectors we expected to ascertain the significance and functionality of the spaces and the formal evolution of the types between the mid-second and the mid-third centuries AD. We also compared the pottery with the vessels found in other monastic complexes at Termez (i.e. Kara Tepe) and in other contemporary sites from northern Bactria in order to assess the degree of singularity or standardization of the pottery types at a regional level. The study revealed that tableware (consisting mainly of reddish slipped cups, bowls, plates, platters and jars with or without burnishing, incised and stamped decorations), common wares (basins and storage pots), and large jars or containers were prevalent in the two sectors. Cooking wares appeared only in the monastic cell; in contrast to the high degree of technological standardization detected in the other wares, the cooking pots presented major formal and technological differences. However, all the pottery used at Tchingiz Tepe is consistent with the regional prototypes observed in other nearby sites, whether or not they were Buddhist religious centers.

We present the fist full archaeometrical study of Kushan-Sassanian pottery from the Buddhist monastic complexes at Kara Tepe (Termez, Uzbekistan), recovered both in the pottery workshop and in the monastery using a combination of analytical methods (XRF, XRD, SEM-EDS and OM). The study allowed the identification of the reference group, the correspondent fabric, the raw materials used for its productions, some of the technological processes involved in manufacture and several weathering processes. All results confirm that the kiln was supplying the religious community of the monastery with pottery, made using local raw materials and highlights the possibility that the kiln could have supplied the nearby monastic complexes where no kilns have been found. Further archaeological evidences indicate the existence of specialised potters working itinerantly at the broader Bactrian area.

RESUMEN: El tramo de la Vía de la Plata al norte de la ciudad de Salamanca es uno de los peor documentados en todo el recorrido de la calzada. No hay vestigios del firme, no hay restos de puentes u otras obras de ingeniería y los miliarios están ausentes. Tan ausentes que en el tramo de la vía entre Salmantica y Asturica Augusta el único milia-rio documentado con seguridad es el de Milles de la Polvorosa (Zamora), fechado en el principado de Nerón (Lostal, J., 1992. 63-64-nº 57-). De este modo los itine-rarios antiguos (It. Ant. 434, 4-7; Rav. IV 45 [319,-4-7]; It. Astorga III) son nuestra guía principal para aventurar una propuesta de trazado. Sin embargo, Sibarim, que es la mansio mencionada inmediatamente al norte de Salamanca, no ha podido ser localizada pese a todos los esfuerzos que se han hecho. La identificación de Sibarim-Sabaria es un problema viejo que ha atraído a todos los investigadores que se han ocupado de la arqueología local. Las distancias que indi-ca el Itinerario de Antonino ofrecen dudas acerca de dónde hay que buscarla. Una ciudad, a 21 millas al norte de Salmantica, Sabaria no debería ser muy difícil de localizar. Para Morán (1946, 89) es el caserío de Izcala, en el término municipal de Topas (Salamanca), pero esta localización, si bien respeta la indicación de distancias del Itinerario, no está avalada por restos arqueológicos acordes con la entidad del yacimiento, tal como señala Maluquer (1956, 42). Roldán (1971, 98-99) propuso identificar la ciudad con el lugar denominado Torre del Sabre en el Cubo de la Tierra del Vino, provincia de Zamora, pero todas las prospecciones que desde entonces se han dirigido hacia el lugar han vuelto con las manos vacías 2. Recientemente las prospecciones destinadas a la reali-zación del Inventario Arqueológico de Castilla y León pusieron sobre la mesa una nueva posibilidad, al localizar en la ermita del caserío de San Cristóbal del Monte (Topas) dos inscripciones latinas y un tercer fragmento anepígrafo de lo que es sin duda una estela funeraria romana (Fernández Ugalde, A. y Presas Vías, M., 1995, 118-119). La posibilidad de que un conjunto epigráfico semejante estuviese indicando la presencia de un gran yacimiento en la zona fue lo que nos llevó a pensar que ARQUEOLOGÍA DE LA VÍA DE LA PLATA (SALAMANCA) G. Gillani y M. Santonja (eds.); pp. 243-256. PREMYSA RESUMEN Al norte de Salamanca la Vía de la Plata atraviesa La Armuña, una comarca plana, con suaves ondulaciones en torno a los 800 m de altitud. La ausencia de restos de la vía, unido al hecho de que no se haya podido localizar Sabaria, la mansio situada inmediata-mente al norte de Salmantica, plantea serias incertidumbres sobre el trazado exacto de la calzada. No obstante, el análisis regresivo de la cartografía histórica y la documentación medieval permite sugerir algunas posibilidades para el recorrido de la vía, además de proporcionar información sobre la evolución histórica del paisaje de La Armuña. La documentación arqueológica complementa la información escrita y permite esbozar las líneas maestras del modelo de ocupación del paisaje en la época romana y su transición a la Edad Media. PALABRAS CLAVE: Vías romanas, Poblamiento romano, Poblamiento visigodo, Arqueología del paisaje, Salamanca.

ABSTRACT North of Salamanca the Vía de la Plata crosses the region of La Armuña, a flat area with mild undulations at about 800 metres above sea-level. The absence of remains of the road, together with the fact that it has not been possible to locate Sabaria, the mansio situated immediately north of Salmantica, gives rise to great uncertainly as to the exact outline of the road. However, regressive analysis of historical cartography and mediaeval documents allows us to suggest some possibilities for the location of the road as well as providing information on the historical evolution of the landscape of La Armuña. The written information is complemented with archaeological documentation which makes it possible to outline of the model of occupation of the countryside in the Roman era and its transition to the Middle Ages.

RESUMEN: El estudio de los parcelarios rurales antiguos ocupa un importante lugar en los análisis arqueológicos actuales. La mayor parte de estos parcelarios están integrados en mayor o menor medida en el paisaje actual, constituyendo todavía estructuras en uso, aunque con transformaciones más o menos pro-fundas según los casos. Con frecuencia los análisis de los catastros rurales atienden casi exclusivamente a los restos conservados del parcelario antiguo que interesa al arqueólogo, despreciando elementos del paisaje que permiten un conocimiento mucho más completo de la morfología del mismo. Es en este sentido en el que defendemos el concepto de estratigrafía del paisaje, partiendo del hecho de que, con un análisis minucioso que incluya la documentación escrita medieval y moderna así como la cartografía histórica, es posible esta-blecer las fases de transformación del territorio, diferenciando los elementos más antiguos de aquellos tra-zados en épocas posteriores. Como muestra de las posibilidades del método se estudian los casos de los catas-tros romanos de Caesar augusta, Illici, Tarraco y el territorio de Barcino. Además pensamos que es interesante analizar la morfología de parcelarios de otras épocas para diferenciarlos de los de época romana y evitar posi-bles confusiones de interpretación. Con este objetivo estudiamos algunos casos de parcelarios medievales en la Ribera de Navarra, en Castellón y en Mallorca, así como parcelarios con datación en época moderna como la Huerta de Murcia y las Nuevas Poblaciones de La Campiña cordobesa. SUMMARY: The study of ancient field systems engages the attention of present archaeological analysis. Most of these field systems are integrated in present-day landscape, and in some cases these structures are still in use, though some changes could have taken place in some of them. The analysis of rural cadastres often focuses almost exclusively on those ancient field systems remains that are still preserved, while other landscape elements that provide a deeper knowledge of its historical morphology are not taken into account. It is in this way that we defend the concept of landscape stratigraphy. In fact, the study of written documentation from the medieval and modern periods as well as old maps allows us to establish the main periods in landscape evolution and, therefore, to know the origin of landscape elements in present-day landscape. As a sign of the possibilities of this method, we study the Roman cadastres oí Caesar augusta, llici. Tarraco and Barcino territory. Moreover, we think that it is also useful to analize the morphology of field systems from other periods, in order to differenciate them from those dated in Roman times, and to avoid possible confusion in the interpretation. Is is for this reason that we also study some field systems from medieval times placed in the Ribera de Navarra, in Castellón and in Mallorca, as well as field systems dated in modern times as the Huerta de Murcia, and the Nuevas Poblaciones from the Cordovan countryside.

Fecha de aceptación de la versión definitiva: 12-01-03 BIBLID [0514-7336 (2003) 56; 269-274] RESUMEN: En este trabajo se da a conocer un miliario inédito perteneciente a la Vía XXIV del Itine-rario de Antonino (Vía de la Plata). La inscripción ha sido hallada en el lugar conocido como Peñas de Santa Cruz (Navagallega, Membribe de la Sierra, Salamanca). La lectura permite sugerir como más probable la identificación del emperador Maximiano, sin que puedan descartarse completamente, como otras posibilidades, a los emperadores Galerio, Licinio y Diocleciano Palabras clave: Epigrafía romana. Miliario. Vía de la Plata. Salamanca (España). Abstract: This study presents a hitherto unheard of milestone belonging to the XXIV roman road of Itinerary of Antoninus (Vía de la Plata). The inscription was found in the place know as the Peñas de Santa Cruz (Navagallega, Membribe de la Sierra, Salamanca). A reading of it leads us to suggest the identification of the Emperor Maximian as the most likely, although other possibilities cannot be ruled out: Galerius, Licinius and Diocletian.

El epígrafe que aquí damos a conocer se localiza en el lugar llamado Las Abejas en el término municipal de Peñacaballera, provincia de Salamanca, muy cerca del lími-te del término municipal de Puerto de Béjar. La inscripción se localiza junto al Camino Real que tradicionalmente se identifica con la antigua Vía de la Plata 1 , el cual presenta vestigios constructivos en zonas cercanas que avalan su antigüedad. La inscripción se encuentra a apenas unos 50 m al W del camino, dentro de la parcela 123 del polígono 4. En relación con la topo-grafía antigua hay que destacar la proximidad del lugar en el que se emplaza el epígrafe a Caelionicco, mansio citada en el Itinerario de Antonino (434,1) y en el Anónimo de Rávena (IV 45 [319,10]). Tradicionalmente se ha localiza-do Caelionicco en las inmediaciones de la calzada a su paso por Puerto de Béjar (Roldán, 1971: 89-91; Morán, 1946: 75). Las recientes prospecciones han permitido detectar en la finca de Entrecarreras restos arqueológicos acordes con la entidad que cabe atribuir a esta mansio. 2. Soporte (Figs. 2-3) La inscripción está sobre un afloramiento granítico natural en el que se ha labrado un bloque en forma de estela. Se han tallado completamente el frente y el lateral izquierdo. En la parte posterior y el lateral derecho se le ha dado forma y se ha labrado una línea de contorno pero la pieza no ha llegado a extraerse. Dimensiones (en cm): altura 150, anchura 45, espesor 26.

El trabajo estudia un conjunto de capiteles procedentes de la comarca zaragozana Ca piteles romanos de la comarca de las Cinco Villas (Zaragoza) de las Cinco Villas, pertene-cientes a los yacimientos de La Fi/lera (Sos del Rey Católico), Valpalmas, Sa1/ Román (Castiliscar), Cabezo Ladrero (SoJuelltes), lvIausoleo de los Afilias (Sádaba) y Los Bailales (Un castillo). Todos los órdelles clásicos estáll represellta-dos aunque hay una presencia mayoritaria de los capitelesjónicos. También es de destacar ulla crollología general para las piezas en el siglo JII. Por los rasgos específicos de los capiteles estudiados puede al'ellturarse la existencia de u n taller loca!. Cet m'licle étudie UI1 ensemble de chapiteaux de la région de Las Cinco Vil/as (Saragosse). Les pieces prouiellnent des sites de La Fillera (Sos del Rey Católico), Valpalmas, San Román (CastiliscCII), Cabezo Ladrero (Sojit ell tes), Mausoleo de los Afilias (Sádaba) y Los BClIlales (Un castillo). Tous les ordres classiques sont bien représentés, mais il Jaut mettre en él'idence une majoritaire présence des chapiteaux ¡oniques. DallS f'ellsemble les pieces sont datées /lers le milieu du II siecle ou la premiere moitié du 111. On peut penser ¿¡ f'existence d'ulI atelier loca!.

A study is made of Román remains located beside the Alhama River near the city of Gracurris (Alfaro, La Rioja). The site had already been plundered in ancient times so it was incomplete when uncovered, and a large number of the architectural materials had been moved from their original positions. The remains that are in the best state of preservation are those of a dam built of large sandstone blocks. A large monumental group can be restored from the isolated architectural materials left that were not plundered, including a nymphaeum and a small temple, in addition to the dam. It can also be shown that the Román road De Italia in Hispanias went through this site, since an Augustan milestone has also been found. After having been plundered, the site was completely buried by a layer of alluvium brought by a rise in the Alhama River. Román ceramic materials were found in the excavation of this layer, but there were no remains from later periods, so the flood can be dated at the end of the 2nd century.

The surveys and excavations made in the territory of Salmantica (Salamanca, Spain) allow us to formulate the hypothesis of the disappearance of the villa as a place of residence of the aristocracy towards the end of the 4th century or the beginning of the 5th century. In the Visigothic period, the villa was used for ephemeral structures of housing, work areas, rubbish tips and necropolis. This type of occupation is also registered in
peripheral areas of the villa, in areas without previous Roman presence. The Visigothic settlements, with some possible exceptions, do not seem to have survived the first decades of the 8th century. Although the Visigothic period is generally characterized by the absence of structured habitats, in the area around the Santa Teresa reservoir several settlements have been detected that should be interpreted as part of the same complex, which
could have been a monastic or an aristocratic complex. This set of sites would pertain to an advanced moment in the Visigothic period. In the Alagón valley the Visigothic settlement is characterized by the existence of peasant villages and productive type settlements devoted to the transformation of wine and oil.

The donation and will of St. Vicente of Asán, dating from a. 551 and a. 576 respectively, are two basic documents when getting to know the property structure in the Visigothic period. These documents have been subjected to specialised research during nearly a century. However, the exact localization of the toponyms contained in them -a fundamental point for a full understanding of the structure of Vicente’s properties- was an unsolved question in their exhaustive analysis. This paper tackles on this problem, combining archaeological field work with the historical review of the inner aspects of the document, also including the study of the mediaeval documentation in order to trail the survival of VIth century toponyms in the subsequent period. This work has allowed us to identify with certainty and on the field approximately 50% of minor toponyms, which makes possible to carry out a historical analysis of the way in which Vicente of Asán had his patrimony organised. His centre of interest is clearly located in the Pyrenean area of Huesca, in La Fueva and Boltaña valleys (the ancient terrae terrantonensis and boletana of the document). But, in addition to this, the long lasting management of a family patrimony gave rise to the possession of land along the rivers Esera and Cinca valleys, reaching even the Ebro valley, with properties in the territories of Barbotum, Labitolosa, Ilerda and Caesaraugusta. From this land organisation we can infer a complementary economy between the lands on the valleys of the main rivers and the mountain areas, which allowed produce diversification and a better exploitation of resources. Cattle raising appears as an important aspect, and it can even be stated that it existed a short-distance transhumance which took advantage of seasonal variations. Furthermore, the restitution of landscape microtoponymy allows to extract other conclusions. On the one hand, it is possible to define with some detail the borders of the urban territories mentioned by the texts; on the other, it is possible to detect that the lines of inner colonisation of mediaeval times continued those documented for the Visigothic period.

In the territory of the city of Salduie / Caesar Augusta (Zaragoza) two important legal epigraphs have be found: the Bronze of Contrebia or Tabula Contrebiensis, dated in 87 BC, and the Bronze of Agon or Lex Riui Hiberiensis, from time of Hadrian. They report two separate lawsuits for irrigation water management and they highlight the importance of irrigation systems in the territory of the city of Salduie / Caesar Augusta in Iberian and Roman times. The data from the Bronze of Contrebia are related to the ancient  topography known through archaeological research. It allows us to propose where the lands disputed in the lawsuit were located and the place where the channel irrigation took water. It is also possible to propose a location for the Sosinestana ciuitas which is mentioned in the epigraph. The study of the Bronze of Agón in its territorial and archaeological context enables us to propose where some of the irrigated lands mentioned in the inscription were located.

This work analyses the different patterns of rural settlements in the province of Salamanca from the Roman colonization (1st century C.E.) to the time of the Christian repopulation in the Middle Ages (10th to 12th centuries). The information was obtained from both intensive and extensive survey, as well as from the archaeological excavations carried out in the province in recent years. The archaeological data were then contrasted with paleo-environmental data in order to relate the settlement
patterns to transformations in the plant landscape.

This paper analyses several ceramic contexts from six recently excavated sites located in the territory of Northern Lusitania (nowadays the province of Salamanca, Spain). The ceramic contexts present a significant number of pieces in stratified sequences and they have been dated between the late 4th century and the beginning of the 8th century by the
finding of coins and by radiocarbon analysis. The pottery contexts of the period under study are dominated by the presence of common ware and common cooking ware, dated especially between the middle of the 6th century and the first years of the 8th century. Classification of the ceramic context was based on examination of the sherds, paying special attention to a set of distinctive features such as colour, surface treatment, decoration, and the quality and
granulometry of the clay matrix. This kind of analysis permits the identification of changes in form in the various pots produced in the period in question.

The Alagon River valley, to the south of  Salamanca province, presents a high concentration of settlements from the Visigothic period, discovered through extensive/selective survey. The archaeological material of this sequence is defined by the presence of tegula, associated to cooking ware and storage pottery, and occasional fragments of both late Hispanic and African terra sigillata. El Cuquero is a representative site of this stage. Its excavation has made it possible to document the presence of an oil production installation, as lipids were recovered from the deposits. The ceramic contexts allows us to date its origin in a moment of VIth century or maybe immediately after, a dating not refuted by radiocarbon.

In this paper we present the result of an intensive survey in the region of La Armuña (Salamanca). We define the Roman and Visigothic settlement in the land surveyed, especifying all the criteria which point to a cultural attribution and a typological classification. The analysis of the archa-elogical materials in its context and the usefulness of the oblique aerial photography to restore the ancient ladscape are especially remarkable.

In a previous study we gave the results of intensive survey in the Armuña area. In this
new study a detailed interpretation is made of the data. After the field work it was observed that there no
traces of pre-Roman occupation. The Roman settlement was developed suddenly in the area from the Flavian
era onwards and maintained with few changes throughout the whole of the Empire. Aerial photography
and the surface material make it possible to detect the presence of two villas (Aldealhama y Prado
de Abajo) with their attached dependencies. From the fifth century on the habitat points multiplied,
although the quality of the buildings was inferior. The eighth-ninth centuries were a period with a gap in
information which neither archaeological materials nor the sources can fill. From the eleventh century
onwards the settlement was definitively established in the present-day towns. Data on settlement are complemented
with those provided by a drilling for the extraction of a pollen record. During the Roman
period forest cover was still important, although cereal crops were already present. From the fifth century
on it is observed that preferential attention was given to livestock raising, which entails greater pressure on
the forest. This process was interrupted around the eighth century, when livestock activity was withdrawn,
although farming activity continued. The eleventh century offered greater agricultural diversity with the
wine making its first appearance, as is corroborated by written documents of the era.

Termez was one of the great Buddhist religious centers in northern Bactria in the Kushan period, as evidenced by the notable monastic complexes sited in the city. The stratigraphic excavations and 14C analysis recently conducted at Tchingiz Tepe, in a monastic cell (sector RC) and in a space for worship (sector RA), provide new data on the complete occupational sequence. In the present study we examine the reliably dated pottery contexts from these two sectors, aiming to create a preliminary typological classification of the Kushan and early Kushano-Sasanian pottery from northern Bactria. The data related to the chrono-spatial context and all the formal, metric, decorative and functional attributes of the pottery wares were categorized and implemented in a database. By comparing the pottery from the two sectors we expected to ascertain the significance and functionality of the spaces and the formal evolution of the types between the mid-second and the mid-third centuries AD. We also compared the pottery with the vessels found in other monastic complexes at Termez (i.e. Kara Tepe) and in other contemporary sites from northern Bactria in order to assess the degree of singularity or standardization of the pottery types at a regional level. The study revealed that tableware (consisting mainly of reddish slipped cups, bowls, plates, platters and jars with or without burnishing, incised and stamped decorations), common wares (basins and storage pots), and large jars or containers were prevalent in the two sectors. Cooking wares appeared only in the monastic cell; in contrast to the high degree of technological standardization detected in the other wares, the cooking pots presented major formal and technological differences. However, all the pottery used at Tchingiz Tepe is consistent with the regional prototypes observed in other nearby sites, whether or not they were Buddhist religious centers.

The walled enclosure of Tchingiz Tepe is part of the urban complex of Ancient Termez in South Uzbekistan. Situated on a hill to the northwest of the city, the archaeological remains consists of an adobe wall, a monumental building located in the centre of the enclosure, various dwellings attached to the wall, and at least one pottery kiln. The study of the stratigraphic sequence combined with 14 C dating allows the reconstruction of the successive occupations of the enclosure which began with the building of the wall during the Early Kushan or Yuezhi periods (between the mid-second century BC and the mid-first century BC). Later, during the Kushan period (from the mid-first century BC to the mid-third century AD), it was used as a Buddhist place of worship, and then reverted to military use during the Kushan-Sassanian period (mid-third century AD to early fifth century AD).