- Francisco Ayala, Cultural Policy, Spain's Transition to democracy, Spanish Republican Exile, PSOE, Contemporary History, and 11 moreMemory Studies, Venice Biennale, Comparative Politics, Cold War and Culture, Contemporary Art, Democracy and Citizenship Education, Democratization, Democratic consolidation, Movida madrileña, Exile, and Columbus Dayedit
- Giulia Quaggio completed her doctoral dissertation in European Contemporary History at the University of Florence in ... moreGiulia Quaggio completed her doctoral dissertation in European Contemporary History at the University of Florence in 2010. From 2011 to 2012 she worked as postdoc researcher at the Departamento de Historia del Pensamiento y de los Movimientos Sociales y Políticos (Universidad Complutense of Madrid), funded by the Spanish Ministry of Education. From 2013 to 2015 she collaborated with UNED (Centro de Investigaciones de la Democracia históricas Española-Madrid), coordinating a programme of workshops on the return of exiles during the transition to democracy in Spain. She was also a consultant for a series of television documentaries broadcasted by RTVE in 2015. In 2010 and in 2016 she received two grants funded by the Spanish Ministry of Culture to collaborate with the Fundación Francisco Ayala. In 2012 she was a Fellow at the Cañada Blanch Centre of the London School of Economics and in 2016 she has held a Remarque Institute Fellowship at New York University. Starting in February 2017, she is a Max Batley Research Associate in the project "Protest as democratic practice: peace movements in southern Europe, 1975-1990".edit
Este libro colectivo explora la conexión entre España y la OTAN, incorporando los estudios socioculturales a unas narraciones mayoritariamente centradas hasta ahora en el análisis de la integración española desde una perspectiva... more
Este libro colectivo explora la conexión entre España y la OTAN, incorporando los estudios socioculturales a unas narraciones mayoritariamente centradas hasta ahora en el análisis de la integración española desde una perspectiva estrictamente política y diplomática "desde arriba". El principal objetivo de esta obra coral es, en cambio, mostrar cómo los movimientos sociales y más en general la sociedad civil española no solo fueron importantes para la consecución de la democracia durante la Transición, sino que fueron igualmente actores relevantes a la hora de constituir un sujeto colectivo capaz de reflexionar por primera vez sobre las relaciones internacionales y la apertura democrática del país e indirectamente influir en la vertebración de la política de seguridad nacional. El análisis que se propone se encuentra inmerso en los nuevos estudios sobre la Guerra Fría, que tratan de matizar el impacto del conflicto bipolar, considerando el papel que tuvieron los países en los supuestos márgenes geográficos y políticos del conflicto. Estos países sufrieron la escalada de presión belicista e ideológica entre las dos superpotencias y al mismo tiempo se convirtieron en espacios políticos y culturales capaces de producir narraciones y precepciones alternativas y originales sobre el conflicto bipolar. Como este libro nos cuenta con fuentes de primera mano, uno de los casos más significativos fue sin duda España.
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Mientras Europa se desangraba en la lucha contra el fascismo, se publicaba en México en 1944 Una doble experiencia política: España e Italia, obra compuesta por cuatro textos en los que Renato Treves y Francisco Ayala, exiliados en... more
Mientras Europa se desangraba en la lucha contra el fascismo, se publicaba en México en 1944 Una doble experiencia política: España e Italia, obra compuesta por cuatro textos en los que Renato Treves y Francisco Ayala, exiliados en Argentina, dialogaban sobre “el problema de la libertad política” en ese crucial momento histórico. Ambos intelectuales, con unas experiencias vitales profundamente marcadas por guerras, dictaduras y exilios, tomaban la palabra en defensa de la libertas, necesitaba de una restauración global y duradera. El libro represento una contribución capital a la comunidad intelectual antifascista que se extendía por toda América en esos años. La presente edición recupera los textos originales de Francisco Ayala y Renato Treves de los años cuarenta junto con otros dos, de la década de 1980, en que los autores evocan aquel debate; se reproduce también una reseña de 1945 de Dardo Cúneo, y se incluyen veintitrés cartas sobre la gestación, edición y difusión del libro. Asimismo, y para completar el contexto histórico e intelectual de la obra, se recuperan seis textos de Ayala y cuatro de Treves publicados entre 1940 y 1944 en las revistas antifascistas Argentina Libre e Italia Libre, hoy de difícil acceso. El prefacio de MatteoPasetti y el extenso estudio introductorio de GiuliaQuaggio con que se abre este volumen proporcionan las claves necesarias para participar en un diálogo en el que, hoy como ayer, Ayala y Treves nos invitan a pensar en el futuro sin olvidos.
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El cambio político a través de la cultura y el arte. Este libro aborda el proceso de transición a la democracia en España a partir de las acciones políticas del Ministerio de Cultura, heredero del franquista y censor Ministerio de... more
El cambio político a través de la cultura y el arte. Este libro aborda el proceso de transición a la democracia en España a partir de las acciones políticas del Ministerio de Cultura, heredero del franquista y censor Ministerio de Información y Turismo. La política cultural, como ya se dieron cuenta Manuel Fraga Iribarne y Pío Cabanillas en la etapa final de la dictadura, representó un ingrediente central del proceso de democratización
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After the fall of the right-wing Estado Novo in Portugal in 1974 and the death of the military dictator Francisco Franco in Spain in 1975, many protest murals appeared in both countries on the walls of abandoned buildings and in... more
After the fall of the right-wing Estado Novo in Portugal in 1974 and the death of the military dictator Francisco Franco in Spain in 1975, many protest murals appeared in both countries on the walls of abandoned buildings and in marginalized urban spaces. These ephemeral grassroots artworks celebrated the collective liberation of the Iberian people from the cultural constraints of Western Europe’s two most enduring dictatorships. Murals constituted a striking visual response to the sociopolitical changes occurring in two countries that were experiencing the transition to democracy in very different ways. In this article, I argue that collectively painted murals, often overlooked in scholarship, are a valuable visual source to analyze contrasting ways of conceiving democracy from below and the appropriation of public spaces following the demise of two long-standing ultra-Catholic dictatorships. By acknowledging the multilayered power of images in murals and drawing on a rich body of research in visual studies, this contribution will address common people’s iconography in Iberian murals and the collective actions of those who sought to secure democratic rights. I will place particular emphasis not only on the visual representational framework of the relationship between the masses and individuals but also on the depiction of gender relations as an intrinsic part of the democratization process in both countries.
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El «No a la Guerra» inundó las calles y se desplegó en los balco nes. Durante el primer trimestre de 2003 las capitales de nuestro país fueron testigo de repetidas manifestaciones contra la inva sión de Iraq y la complicidad de nuestro... more
El «No a la Guerra» inundó las calles y se desplegó en los balco nes. Durante el primer trimestre de 2003 las capitales de nuestro país fueron testigo de repetidas manifestaciones contra la inva sión de Iraq y la complicidad de nuestro gobierno con Estados Unidos, pero ¿cómo se fue generando el pacifismo en nuestra contemporaneidad? El antibelicismo, el antimilitarismo y el pacifismo son los concep tos empleados en el presente libro para acercarse a este fenó meno de la historia de España. Editado por Francisco J. Leira, la presente obra recoge los trabajos de prestigiosos estudiosos de diversas disciplinas para debatir sobre este aspecto obviado por la investigación y por la divulgación. Desde los desertores de la Guerra de la Independencia, pasando por los prófugos de las Carlistas, el proceso de recluta forzosa de la Guerra Civil, los objetores de conciencia, el papel del feminismo y de las mujeres contra la violencia, el «Basta ya» a ETA o el movimiento anti OTAN, hasta la condena a la invasión de Iraq, podremos desvelar cómo hemos construido ese sentimiento que nos llevó a gritar «No a la Guerra».
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El objetivo del artículo es reflexionar sobre hasta qué punto el estudio de los movimientos sociales - y en particular de las protestas por la paz en las etapas finales de la Guerra Fría - puede ayudar a desvelar aspectos distintivos de... more
El objetivo del artículo es reflexionar sobre hasta qué punto el estudio de los movimientos sociales - y en particular de las protestas por la paz en las etapas finales de la Guerra Fría - puede ayudar a desvelar aspectos distintivos de las relaciones internacionales desde una perspectiva cercana a la gente corriente y más allá de las fronteras estatales. Centrándose en clave comparativa en el caso de los movimientos anti-OTAN en España durante la década de los ochenta, el artículo trata de extraer algunas conclusiones sobre los peligros de subestimar y sobreestimar la relevancia de los movimientos sociales en las dinámicas de una supuesta “détente desde abajo”.
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The present dossier collects a series of multidisciplinary empirical essays on the entangled relationship between Spanish identity and exhibits. Since the nineteenth century Spain has been both a participant and a venue for universal... more
The present dossier collects a series of multidisciplinary empirical essays on the entangled relationship between Spanish identity and exhibits. Since the nineteenth century Spain has been both a participant and a venue for universal exhibitions, confronting itself with an imagery dramatically divided between traditional representations and an advocated modernity. Despite being a country incapable of competing economically with other western imperial powers, the case of Spain has a particular interest because of its cultural diversity, nostalgia for a past great empire and presentation as an exotic frontier between West and East, North and South of the world. The research studies carried out here mostly focus on the international scope of exhibitions and cover different transnational phenomena, inserting different imagined communities in wider and more ambitious spaces in Europe and Latin America. Notably, some exhibitions convert into special instruments for shaping collective iden...
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Tras la adhesión a la Comunidad Europea y la quiebra del orden bipolar de la Guerra Fría, las instituciones españolas conmemoraron en 1992 el V Centenario del Descubrimiento de América, coincidiendo el aniversario con la primera... more
Tras la adhesión a la Comunidad Europea y la quiebra del orden bipolar de la Guerra Fría, las instituciones españolas conmemoraron en 1992 el V Centenario del Descubrimiento de América, coincidiendo el aniversario con la primera exposición de alcance global en Sevilla tras un largo régimen autoritario. La planificación y la organización del V Centenario recayó en los dirigentes del Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE), quienes definieron la identidad nacional a través de una conmemoración que hacía referencia a América y, por tanto, a la proyección internacional de España, a la nostalgia del imperio y a la epopeya fuertemente masculinizada de los exploradores atlánticos del Siglo de Oro.
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Following Peter Burke’s suggestions about the history of diasporas and their imbricate interplay with knowledge and Michele Espagne’s theorisation about “cul- tural transfer”, this article aims to delve into the channels, personal... more
Following Peter Burke’s suggestions about the history of diasporas and their imbricate interplay with knowledge and Michele Espagne’s theorisation about “cul- tural transfer”, this article aims to delve into the channels, personal contacts and dis- tinctive carriers through which the European cultural resistance during the Second World War transited and transplanted its ideas from the homeland to the host-land. Notably, the article explores the transcultural lives and intellectual hybridisation be- tween the Italian Jewish exile Treves and the Spanish Republican émigré Ayala within the polarised context of Argentina before Juan Domingo Perón’s rule (1946-1955) through enquiry into the contents and cross-border scope of the essay A Double Political Experience (1944). After considering the experience of European intellec- tual exiles in Argentina and the complex creation process of this essay, the article examines three major points: the debate between the two European exiles about freedom, antifascism and the interpretation of the origins of fascism; their idea of nation and cosmopolitanism; and finally their conversion to the discipline of sociol- ogy as the more effective intellectual tool to be deployed for the democratic recon- ciliation and liberal reshaping of post-war Europe. I will argue that for both scholars the exile experience represented a turning point in the assessment and processing of their knowledge on the post-war order. On the threshold of the Cold War era, it globalised and hybridised their intellectual approach to a ‘third Europe’, neither liberal nor socialist but ‘liberal socialist’. The article also helps to provide a more nu- anced interpretation of European intellectual resistance during the Second World War and takes into account the often-overlooked agency of American intellectual actors in its narrative and shaping.
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After two challenging processes of democratisation, Spain and Portugal decided to celebrate their new democratic national identities through similar mega cultural events. Following the end of the Cold War, in 1992, Spain commemorated the... more
After two challenging processes of democratisation, Spain and
Portugal decided to celebrate their new democratic national identities
through similar mega cultural events. Following the end of the
Cold War, in 1992, Spain commemorated the Fifth Centenary of the
first voyage of Columbus to the Americas, overlapping the event
with the Seville Expo; six years later; Portugal planned a universal
exhibition in Lisbon whose slogan was “The Oceans: a heritage for
the future”. The shared desire to connect their current liberal democratic
identity with a past of male transatlantic maritime expeditions
is not accidental. This article aims to address the socio-cultural
links among national representation, domestic political circumstances
and international connections within the Iberian
Peninsula after the long-lived European dictatorships. First, I will
consider the entangled relations between the two Iberian countries
and their former colonies. Second, I will disambiguate to what
extent this postcolonial present helped in the construction of
neo-liberal and cosmopolitan self-perceptions and identities. This
was in accordance with the globalisation trends, the rhetoric of
modernisation and urban regeneration within a post-industrial era.
Third, I will analyse the two world's fairs in light of the process of
European integration.
Portugal decided to celebrate their new democratic national identities
through similar mega cultural events. Following the end of the
Cold War, in 1992, Spain commemorated the Fifth Centenary of the
first voyage of Columbus to the Americas, overlapping the event
with the Seville Expo; six years later; Portugal planned a universal
exhibition in Lisbon whose slogan was “The Oceans: a heritage for
the future”. The shared desire to connect their current liberal democratic
identity with a past of male transatlantic maritime expeditions
is not accidental. This article aims to address the socio-cultural
links among national representation, domestic political circumstances
and international connections within the Iberian
Peninsula after the long-lived European dictatorships. First, I will
consider the entangled relations between the two Iberian countries
and their former colonies. Second, I will disambiguate to what
extent this postcolonial present helped in the construction of
neo-liberal and cosmopolitan self-perceptions and identities. This
was in accordance with the globalisation trends, the rhetoric of
modernisation and urban regeneration within a post-industrial era.
Third, I will analyse the two world's fairs in light of the process of
European integration.
Research Interests:
This article addresses the protest culture of the Spanish anti-NATO movement during the first half of the 1980s. Adopting a multidisciplinary approach, it focuses on the collective practice of painting murals and graffiti (pintadas) on... more
This article addresses the protest culture of the Spanish anti-NATO movement during the first half of the 1980s. Adopting a multidisciplinary approach, it focuses on the collective practice of painting murals and graffiti (pintadas) on walls in the outskirts of Spanish cities. This was done by neighbourhood associations, together with local artists, in order to display and disseminate the widespread angst regarding entering and remaining in NATO. Murals constituted a grassroots multi-layered phenomenon that emerged through the interaction of different communicative actors, social processes and semiotic forms. The article explores three themes. Firstly, the political iconography of anti-NATO murals in Spain whilst comparing it with the aesthetics of other European peace movements. Secondly, the domestic reframing of anti-war and antinuclear icons as well as anti-American clichés, violence and the army, gender relations, Spanish national sovereignty and, more generally, the process of modernisation and westernisation that was rapidly affecting post-Francoist society. Finally, the analysis of these visual expressions offers a bottom-up picture of the final stage of the Cold War and a better understanding of the role of Spanish civil society during the period of democratic consolidation.
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Reseña José-Carlos Mainer “Una doble Experiencia Política” (Ayala-Treves) - 2019
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Las celebraciones de 1992 proporcionaron una articulada liturgia de símbolos y lenguajes con el objeto de regenerar desde arriba la identidad democrática del España tras una larga dictadura. Según la prensa, fue el año en que el país... more
Las celebraciones de 1992 proporcionaron una articulada liturgia de símbolos y lenguajes con el objeto de regenerar desde arriba la identidad democrática del España tras una larga dictadura. Según la prensa, fue el año en que el país «subió a primera división». ¿Pero qué significaba para España convertirse en parte integrante de una elitista primera división del mundo?
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As was the case in Northern Europe during the last decade of the Cold War, grassroots groups supporting a new idea of peace and the end of the nuclear arms race multiplied throughout Southern Europe. In particular after Franco’s death, in... more
As was the case in Northern Europe during the last decade of the Cold War, grassroots groups supporting a new idea of peace and the end of the nuclear arms race multiplied throughout Southern Europe. In particular after Franco’s death, in a contested process, Spain ultimately decided to join NATO and to review the presence of US military bases. This triggered the rise of a varied anti-NATO movement that linked an intense debate on the idea of democracy with the opposition to the military blocs and the fear of a nuclear war. The Spanish case is interesting for several reasons. Firstly, the existence of a massive peace movement contrasts with the common idea of a »Mediterranean syndrome«, that is the recognition of a peculiar weakness of civil society in Southern Europe. Secondly, the debate on democratic practices interlinked with the process of building new democratic institutions after a long dictatorship. According to the anti-NATO grassroots committees, peace not only implied unilateral disarmament, but also the configuration of a different way of life in which citizen involvement in public decisions played an important role beyond the traditional ideological divisions and the hegemonic elites of newly legalised political parties. How did these movements frame and practice an idea of participatory democracy? How did this idea come into conflict or was it strategically used by leftist parties? How did this appreciation of democracy pervade the repertoire of protest practices? To address these issues documents from Spanish peace groups, mostly minutes of their meet- ings, and anti-NATO publications during the first half of the 1980s have been consulted. In addition, leaflets and peace activists’ pamphlets have been analysed in order to chart the ways in which activists articulated notions of self-representation as democratic and methods for interacting with the new democratic institutions.
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As part of the Max Batley funded project ‘Protest as Democratic Practice: peace movements in Southern Europe' , Dr Eirini Karamouzi is acting as a scientific curator with the support of Dr Giulia Quaggio to an exhibition entitled... more
As part of the Max Batley funded project ‘Protest as Democratic Practice: peace movements in Southern Europe' , Dr Eirini Karamouzi is acting as a scientific curator with the support of Dr Giulia Quaggio to an exhibition entitled ‘Fighting for Peace in the 1980s: Greece-Italy-Spain’, organised by the Hellenic Parliament Foundation The exhibition is accompanied by a bilingual catalogue and a series of educational programmes.
The key objective of this exhibition is to shed light on anti-nuclear
and anti-militarist peace protests in Southern European
countries during the late 1970s and the 1980s. The focus will
be on Greece, Italy and Spain. Following a
period of détente in the 1970s, the worsening of relations between
the two superpowers during the so called Second Cold
war of the early 1980s and the deepening of the nuclear arms
race, reinvigorated the anti-nuclear movement. During the nuclear crisis, people
in Southern Europe like in the rest of the continent sought
to re-evaluate their own past, present, and future. The societal
response to arms deployment was an expression of rapid
sociocultural and technological changes that started in the
1960s and continued with the transformations of the 1970s and
1980s. As activists united to oppose the dire nuclear threat,
they engaged and responded to core concerns of safety,
peace, democratic participation, mobilisation for disarmament
and vitality of citizen engagement. The Nobel Peace Prize for
2017 to the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons
(ICAN) acts as a reminder of the existential threat that nuclear
weapons still pose to humanity and the value in harnessing
the power of the people
The key objective of this exhibition is to shed light on anti-nuclear
and anti-militarist peace protests in Southern European
countries during the late 1970s and the 1980s. The focus will
be on Greece, Italy and Spain. Following a
period of détente in the 1970s, the worsening of relations between
the two superpowers during the so called Second Cold
war of the early 1980s and the deepening of the nuclear arms
race, reinvigorated the anti-nuclear movement. During the nuclear crisis, people
in Southern Europe like in the rest of the continent sought
to re-evaluate their own past, present, and future. The societal
response to arms deployment was an expression of rapid
sociocultural and technological changes that started in the
1960s and continued with the transformations of the 1970s and
1980s. As activists united to oppose the dire nuclear threat,
they engaged and responded to core concerns of safety,
peace, democratic participation, mobilisation for disarmament
and vitality of citizen engagement. The Nobel Peace Prize for
2017 to the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons
(ICAN) acts as a reminder of the existential threat that nuclear
weapons still pose to humanity and the value in harnessing
the power of the people
Research Interests:
Mushroom clouds in burning skies, wandering skulls, and thousands of people confined in atomic shelters as insects: the final decade of the Cold War brought a global proliferation of visual expressions of the anxiety of nuclear... more
Mushroom clouds in burning skies, wandering skulls, and thousands of people confined in atomic shelters as insects: the final decade of the Cold War brought a global proliferation of visual expressions of the anxiety of nuclear annihilation. This is well known for the US and Western Europe, but rarely considered for Southern European countries. Spain, for instance, had just emerged in 1975 from almost forty years of Franco’s dictatorship and faced an intricate transition to democracy. In particular, anti-war and peace protests in Spain opposed entering and remaining in NATO during the 1980s.
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Panel - Cantieri Sissco 2017
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Although today there are many studies on the Spanish feminist movement during the transition, very few researches had deepened the role of women in the parties that shaped the democratic reform. Therefore, this article aims to analyse the... more
Although today there are many studies on the Spanish feminist movement during the transition, very few researches had deepened the role of women in the parties that shaped the democratic reform. Therefore, this article aims to analyse the socio-cultural transition of the PSOE feminine militants: a party that, after the death of Franco and, especially with the great power it held during the Eighties, directly conditioned practices and attitudes of Spanish society. How did these women take part in a party of men and for men? How did they ideologically change the party? What kind of political culture did they introduce? How did Socialists frame the women activity inside the party?
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Book Chapter in Patria, Pan... Amore y Fantasia (Muñoz Soro, Javier Treglia, Emanuele eds.)
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Durante la década de los ochenta, los signos de identidad democrática de la Nación española reactualizaron, no sin ambigüedad, una serie de referencias históricas, si bien, paradójicamente, dichas referencias fueron vaciadas de su... more
Durante la década de los ochenta, los signos de identidad democrática de la Nación española reactualizaron, no sin ambigüedad, una serie de referencias históricas, si bien, paradójicamente, dichas referencias fueron vaciadas de su significado profundo y convertidas en mero simulacro del pasado. Por lo tanto, no puede sorprender que los actos de 1992, “el año de España”, en el que el PSOE hizo coincidir estratégicamente los Juegos Olímpicos de Barcelona, la Exposición Universal de Sevilla y Madrid Capital Cultural Europea, girasen en torno a la conmemoración fastuosa del V Centenario del Descubrimiento de América.
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The PSOE, who had an absolute majority since 1982, instigated a series of policies over the decade designed to foster a strategic national identity acceptable to as many social and territorial constituents as possible. 1992 was the... more
The PSOE, who had an absolute majority since 1982, instigated a series of policies over the decade designed to foster a strategic national identity acceptable to as many social and territorial constituents as possible. 1992 was the culmination of this process. This article critically assesses the image of national identity that the PSOE attempted to transmit to the general population with mixes success. The particular focus is on cultural activities relating to the V Centenary of the Discovery of America and on the attempt to promote a modern Spanish identity through the Expo’92. My contention will be that it is not possible to identify a new socialist Spanish idea, but that it is meaningful to speak in terms of the recovery of Regenerationists ideas of the early twentieth century liberal nationalism. The American myth, in fact, came from such cultural substrate and it allowed once again to recover, although ambiguously, some ideological aspects of the battered Spanish nationalism. In 1992 Spain was keen to present an image of herself to the world as a special «bridge» between Latin America and Europe. The «transnational» 1992 Spain was the manifestation of a double national identity that the PSOE also tried to strategically maintain through the political slogan «encounter between two worlds.»
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Historia del Presente 25, 2015, num. 1
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Zapruder n. 10, maggio 2006
Una cuestión que hoy atraviesa con cierta inquietud diversas publicaciones es la que versa sobre la calidad de la cultura en la España democrática. ¿Representó dicha cultura el feliz resultado de un proyecto compartido? ¿O, por el... more
Una cuestión que hoy atraviesa con cierta inquietud diversas publicaciones es la que versa sobre la calidad de la cultura en la España democrática. ¿Representó dicha cultura el feliz resultado de un proyecto compartido? ¿O, por el contrario, no fue sino fruto de las improvisaciones, del escaso nivel cultural del país y, sobre todo, consecuencia de la estrategia por la hegemonía social de los nuevos grupos políticos y sociales que emergieron tras la muerte de Franco? ¿Se produjeron novedades relevantes en la cultura de la Transición o, antes bien, esta se basó en la continuidad con el pasado? El objetivo de las páginas que siguen, por tanto, es el de reflexionar con los instrumentos de la historiografía sobre la relación entre las dinámicas de la Transición y la política cultural implementada por los Gobiernos españoles después de la muerte de Franco en las dos fases decisivas de la UCD, primero, y del PSOE, a continuación. Analizar esta etapa histórica bajo tales premisas nos permite trazar a través de la gestión de la cultura una especie de radiografía del espacio sociopolítico en el que se originan gran parte de los fenómenos y distorsiones culturales vigentes en nuestros días.
International Workshop
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International Workshop Faculty of Geography and History Complutense University of Madrid 30 May 2022 Organised by Giulia Quaggio, Sergio Molina García (UCM) There is a growing amount of international literature on the subject of... more
International Workshop Faculty of Geography and History Complutense University of Madrid
30 May 2022
Organised by Giulia Quaggio, Sergio Molina García (UCM)
There is a growing amount of international literature on the subject of 'retroactive debipolarisation' of the Cold War (Hershberg 2000), and in the light of this, the proposed workshop aims to examine the Spanish experience of entering and remaining in the Western bloc from the margins of Europe during the détente crisis of the late 1970s and the first half of the 1980s. This period of global fracturing (Rodgers 2011) is relevant to Spain because it coincided with the democratisation of its foreign and security policy (1977-1986) and its return to the European Communities (1986). Indeed, the early 1980s saw the breaking of the unofficial pact of silence regarding Spain's position vis-à-vis the Atlantic Alliance that had prevailed during the first stage of transition. It was at this time that the debate on the country's approach to international affairs first began to occupy an important place in public debate, at the same time polarising public opinion. While the country's elites wanted to join the EEC, the relationship with the two superpowers remained rather ambiguous and complex.
30 May 2022
Organised by Giulia Quaggio, Sergio Molina García (UCM)
There is a growing amount of international literature on the subject of 'retroactive debipolarisation' of the Cold War (Hershberg 2000), and in the light of this, the proposed workshop aims to examine the Spanish experience of entering and remaining in the Western bloc from the margins of Europe during the détente crisis of the late 1970s and the first half of the 1980s. This period of global fracturing (Rodgers 2011) is relevant to Spain because it coincided with the democratisation of its foreign and security policy (1977-1986) and its return to the European Communities (1986). Indeed, the early 1980s saw the breaking of the unofficial pact of silence regarding Spain's position vis-à-vis the Atlantic Alliance that had prevailed during the first stage of transition. It was at this time that the debate on the country's approach to international affairs first began to occupy an important place in public debate, at the same time polarising public opinion. While the country's elites wanted to join the EEC, the relationship with the two superpowers remained rather ambiguous and complex.
Research Interests:
The process of democratisation in Portugal and Spain originated from a similar socio-political context. Besides having an almost identical geographical context, two long authoritarian and military dictatorships shaped the two counties on... more
The process of democratisation in Portugal and Spain originated from a similar socio-political context. Besides having an almost identical geographical context, two long authoritarian and military dictatorships shaped the two counties on the basis of a nationalist and deeply catholic identity. From the point of view of popular culture, both dictatorships promoted a disengaged culture, based on songs, football matches, bullfights and the stereotypes of Iberian folklore. In the early 1970s, the illiteracy rate and cultural practices indexes in both countries were still among the highest in Europe. Despite these similar starting conditions, the Portuguese transition to democracy was very different from that of Spain; whereas Portugal created a rupture with the previous institutional context through a military coup, in Spain the post-Franco democratisation was founded on negotiated reform. These two processes of transition to democracy in Portugal and Spain, although dissimilar from each other, led to new ways of both high and popular cultural expressions. As a result, the decade following the two dictatorships was characterised by significant and euphoric experiments in the fields of literature, visual and plastic arts, cinema and music. Scholars have paid scant attention to the ways in which artists thought and put into practice the very notion of democracy in these years. Democracy is a highly contested category, one that has been imagined in many different ways, and any particular realisation of which carries costs as well as benefits. According to the historian of democracy Pierre Rosanvallon (2008), the rise of a democracy entails both a promise and a problem for a society. This two-day conference aims to innovatively question how artistic practices and institutions formed ways of imagining democracy and by what means arts and culture participate in the wider social struggle to define freedom and equality for the post-Estado Novo and post-Francoist period: how did artistic practices instantiate ideas of democracy in this context? Inversely, how did such democratic values inform artistic practice? How did Portuguese and Spanish artists and intellectuals negotiate between creative autonomy and social responsibility? And more broadly, what is the role of culture in a democracy?
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Audio Programa Radio RNE "Las mañanas de RNE- Giulia Quaggio con Íñigo Alfonso" Durante la Transición, la cultura fue el vehículo elegido por la política para llegar a la sociedad. A menudo el arte fue relegado a un segundo plano, pero... more
Audio Programa Radio RNE "Las mañanas de RNE- Giulia Quaggio con Íñigo Alfonso" Durante la Transición, la cultura fue el vehículo elegido por la política para llegar a la sociedad. A menudo el arte fue relegado a un segundo plano, pero tras la Constitución supuso una prioridad.
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XIV Congreso Asociación de Historia Contemporánea
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Podcast - Hablemos de Historia - Radio UJI
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TRANSMISION 29 DE APRIL DE 2014
COGAM TV - La decada de los 70
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Laura Ciglioni, Culture atomiche. Gli Stati Uniti, la Francia e l’Italia di fronte alla questione nucleare (1962-1968). Roma: Carocci, 2020. 404 pp.
https://storicamente.org/quaggio-ciglioni-culture-atomiche
https://storicamente.org/quaggio-ciglioni-culture-atomiche
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Per salvare i primi cinque anni di attività di «Zapruder» e farne un patrimonio comune, gratuitamente accessibile a chiunque, abbiamo lanciato #adottaZapruder: campagna di digitalizzazione collettiva. Ringraziamo Carlo per aver... more
Per salvare i primi cinque anni di attività di «Zapruder»
e farne un patrimonio comune, gratuitamente accessibile a chiunque,
abbiamo lanciato #adottaZapruder: campagna di digitalizzazione collettiva.
Ringraziamo Carlo per aver digitalizzato il numero 10.
L'intero numero è scaricabile qui:
http://storieinmovimento.org/2014/10/26/decimo-numero/
e farne un patrimonio comune, gratuitamente accessibile a chiunque,
abbiamo lanciato #adottaZapruder: campagna di digitalizzazione collettiva.
Ringraziamo Carlo per aver digitalizzato il numero 10.
L'intero numero è scaricabile qui:
http://storieinmovimento.org/2014/10/26/decimo-numero/
Research Interests:
La historia queer de las comunidades LGBTIQ+ representa un enfoque metodológico dentro de la historiografía que ha empezado a desarrollarse epistemológicamente a partir de los años 1990 del siglo pasado. Gran parte de la historiografía... more
La historia queer de las comunidades LGBTIQ+ representa un enfoque metodológico dentro de la historiografía que ha empezado a desarrollarse epistemológicamente a partir de los años 1990 del siglo pasado. Gran parte de la historiografía queer está entrelazada con la defensa de los derechos, la legitimidad y la visibilidad de la memoria de las comunidades LGBTIQ+ en el presente, sin embargo, su distintiva perspectiva ofrece al mismo tiempo sofisticadas herramientas alternativas para analizar críticamente cuestiones políticas y de poder relacionadas al pasado de las instituciones, de los estados y de las dinámicas de exclusión de las sociedades en las que vivimos.
La comunidad científica está utilizando siempre más la historia queer para realizar cruciales intervenciones críticas sobre consolidados análisis de historias sociales y culturales, pero también de historias militares, jurídicas, religiosas, coloniales y económicas. Además, las instituciones culturales y museísticas y los archivos también están empezando a asumir con seriedad las historias y memorias de las comunidades LGBTIQ+ y los aportes de los enfoques queer.
El objetivo de este encuentro es hacer un balance crítico de la situación y limites de la historia y la memoria del colectivo LGBTIQ+ en la historiografía española, los aportes que sus enfoques pueden ofrecer para mejorar la comprensión de las fracturas de la historia española del siglo XX, los métodos y fuentes que tenemos a nuestra disposición y los problemas que pueden surgir en relación con la conexión entre activismo LGBTIQ+ y narración histórica.
La comunidad científica está utilizando siempre más la historia queer para realizar cruciales intervenciones críticas sobre consolidados análisis de historias sociales y culturales, pero también de historias militares, jurídicas, religiosas, coloniales y económicas. Además, las instituciones culturales y museísticas y los archivos también están empezando a asumir con seriedad las historias y memorias de las comunidades LGBTIQ+ y los aportes de los enfoques queer.
El objetivo de este encuentro es hacer un balance crítico de la situación y limites de la historia y la memoria del colectivo LGBTIQ+ en la historiografía española, los aportes que sus enfoques pueden ofrecer para mejorar la comprensión de las fracturas de la historia española del siglo XX, los métodos y fuentes que tenemos a nuestra disposición y los problemas que pueden surgir en relación con la conexión entre activismo LGBTIQ+ y narración histórica.