- Facultad de Geografía e Historia
C/ Profesor Aranguren, s/n., edificio B, Planta 9
Ciudad Universitaria, 28040 MADRID
Óscar Recio Morales
Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Modern History, Faculty Member
- European History, Immigration Studies, 18th Century Enlightenment, Foreigners Modern Period, British and Irish History, Modern History, and 11 moreCulture, Historiography, Irish Studies, Early Modern Italy, Early Modern History, Early modern Spain, Foreigners, Habsburg Studies, Book Reviews, Early Modern Europe, and Irish Historyedit
- Óscar Recio Morales is Associate Professor (Profesor Titular de Universidad) at the Complutense University of Madrid.... moreÓscar Recio Morales is Associate Professor (Profesor Titular de Universidad) at the Complutense University of Madrid. European PhD in History from the University of Alcalá, he has been a post-doctoral fellow researcher in the Department of History, Trinity College Dublin.edit
- Postdoc: Prof. Ciaran Brady (Trinity College Dublin), PhD: Prof. Alfredo Floristán Imízcoz (University of Alcalá) edit
Como precursores de los imperios marítimos, la expansión de las monarquías ibéricas ha sido generalmente estudiada desde los espacios atlánticos y asiáticos. El programa Iberoriente tiene por objetivo desviar la mirada de las fronteras... more
Como precursores de los imperios marítimos, la expansión de las monarquías ibéricas ha sido generalmente estudiada desde los espacios atlánticos y asiáticos. El programa Iberoriente tiene por objetivo desviar la mirada de las fronteras ultramarinas a otras periferias más cercanas y, en general, menos exploradas por los historiadores del mundo ibérico. De hecho, desde las orillas del Mar Báltico en el norte hasta el Golfo Pérsico en el sur, pasando por el Cáucaso, el oriente euromediterráneo habría quedado fuera del alcance de la expansión ibérica. Este programa pretende, por tanto, reunir las historias fragmentadas de las ramificaciones orientales de los reinos ibéricos e insertarlas en una lectura global de la expansión de la monarquía católica en la era moderna. Después de Madrid y Oxford, este tercer encuentro pretende centrarse simétricamente en las comunidades originarias de la península ibérica asentadas en los imperios persa y otomano y las constituidas por súbditos persas y otomanos asentados en los territorios de las monarquías ibéricas. El reto es entender cómo, a pesar o gracias a la hostilidad entre las monarquías católicas y musulmanas, algunos individuos o grupos han encontrado oportunidades para establecerse en territorio ajeno y se han beneficiado de la protección de los monarcas. ¿Es posible diseñar paralelismos entre estos grupos, en la forma en que negociaron su siempre frágil presencia con el poder real, en los vínculos que mantuvieron con las sociedades de origen, o en la forma en que construyeron vínculos con las sociedades locales en las que estuvieron asentados?
En tant que précurseurs des empires maritimes, l'expansion des monarchies ibériques a généralement été étudiée depuis les espaces atlantiques et asiatiques. Le programme Iberorient se donne pour objectif de déplacer le regard des confins ultramarins vers des périphéries plus proches et généralement moins explorées. En effet, des rives de la Baltique, au nord, jusqu'au Golfe persique, au sud, en passant par le Caucase, l'orient euro-méditerranéen serait resté à l'écart de l'expansion ibérique. Ce programme cherche donc à remembrer les histoires fragmentées des ramification orientales des royaumes ibériques et à les insérer dans une lecture globale de l'expansion de la monarchie catholique à l'époque moderne. Après Madrid et Oxford, cette troisième rencontre voudrait s'intéresser de façon symétrique aux communautés originaires de la Péninsule ibérique installées dans les empires perse et ottoman et à celles constituées par des sujets perses et ottomans implantées dans les territoires des monarchies ibériques. L'enjeu est de comprendre comment, en dépit ou à cause de l'hostilité affichée entre les monarchies catholiques et musulmanes, des groupes se sont établis dans des territoires adverses et ont bénéficié de la protection des monarques. Est-il possible de dresser des parallélismes entre ces groupes, dans leur manière de négocier leur présence toujours fragile avec le pouvoir royal, dans les liens qu'ils entretiennent avec les sociétés d'origine, dans la manière dont ils construisent des liens dans les sociétés locales où ils sont installés ?
En tant que précurseurs des empires maritimes, l'expansion des monarchies ibériques a généralement été étudiée depuis les espaces atlantiques et asiatiques. Le programme Iberorient se donne pour objectif de déplacer le regard des confins ultramarins vers des périphéries plus proches et généralement moins explorées. En effet, des rives de la Baltique, au nord, jusqu'au Golfe persique, au sud, en passant par le Caucase, l'orient euro-méditerranéen serait resté à l'écart de l'expansion ibérique. Ce programme cherche donc à remembrer les histoires fragmentées des ramification orientales des royaumes ibériques et à les insérer dans une lecture globale de l'expansion de la monarchie catholique à l'époque moderne. Après Madrid et Oxford, cette troisième rencontre voudrait s'intéresser de façon symétrique aux communautés originaires de la Péninsule ibérique installées dans les empires perse et ottoman et à celles constituées par des sujets perses et ottomans implantées dans les territoires des monarchies ibériques. L'enjeu est de comprendre comment, en dépit ou à cause de l'hostilité affichée entre les monarchies catholiques et musulmanes, des groupes se sont établis dans des territoires adverses et ont bénéficié de la protection des monarques. Est-il possible de dresser des parallélismes entre ces groupes, dans leur manière de négocier leur présence toujours fragile avec le pouvoir royal, dans les liens qu'ils entretiennent avec les sociétés d'origine, dans la manière dont ils construisent des liens dans les sociétés locales où ils sont installés ?
The relations between the Early Modern Iberian monarchies and the Euro-Mediterranean East have generally been studied from the perspective of war and religious confrontation. The Catholic societies which emerged from the Reconquest... more
The relations between the Early Modern Iberian monarchies and the Euro-Mediterranean East have generally been studied from the perspective of war and religious confrontation. The Catholic societies which emerged from the Reconquest seemed, indeed, to be located at the antipodes of these regions dominated by ‘schismatics’, ‘heretics’ or ‘infidels’. However, over the past years, this perspective has been revised in particular thanks to the renewal of Mediterranean studies and the history of the Portuguese Empire in Asia. The attention paid to certain social groups placed in situations of intermediation (political, economic or cultural) has been one of the vectors of this change. The border areas, in the Maghreb or in the South of Italy, have particularly interested historians, but more discreet trajectories have shown that the Mediterranean was also a place of passage between Asia and the Americas. From the shores of the Baltic in the North, through the Caucasus to the Persian Gulf in the South, the rise of the Iberian monarchies and their new maritime routes seem to have left no one indifferent. In line with this cycle’s previous seminar, organized in Madrid in 2017, this one seeks to measure the eastern ramifications of the Iberian kingdoms and their Atlantic extensions by following the path of the individuals and communities that travelled through them.
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La historiografía reciente ha demostrado que no hubo un enfrentamiento irreconciliable entre los imperios español y otomano durante los siglos XVI y XVIII. El estudio de las circulaciones y de las diásporas ha contribuido en gran medida... more
La historiografía reciente ha demostrado que no hubo un enfrentamiento irreconciliable entre los imperios español y otomano durante los siglos XVI y XVIII. El estudio de las circulaciones y de las diásporas ha contribuido en gran medida en subrayar que las relaciones entre las costas occidentales y orientales del Mediterráneo han sido mucho más densas y complejas de lo que se pensaba. Las zonas fronterizas, en el Magreb o en el sur de Italia, han sido especialmente estudiadas por los historiadores, pero trayectorias más discretas han demostrado que el Mediterráneo ha sido también un espacio de circulación entre Asia y América. Desde las costas del Mar Báltico en el norte, hasta el Golfo Pérsico en el sur, pasando por el Cáucaso, el auge de las monarquías ibéricas y de sus nuevas rutas marítimas no han pa-sado desapercibidas. Este primer encuentro pretende rastrear las ramificaciones orientales de los reinos ibéricos y sus extensiones atlánticas siguiendo los pasos de los individuos y de las comunidades que las han recorrido.
L'historiographie récente est revenue sur l'idée d'un affrontement irréconciliable entre les empires espagnol et ottoman entre les xvi e et xviii e siècles. L'étude des circulations et des diasporas a très largement contribué à montrer que les relations et les échanges entre les rives occidentales et orientales de la Méditerranée ont été beaucoup plus denses et complexes qu'on ne le pensait. Les espaces frontaliers, au Maghreb ou dans le sud de l'Italie, ont particulièrement retenu l'attention des historiens, mais des trajectoires plus discrètes ont montré que la Méditerranée était également un lieu de passage entre l'Asie et les Amériques. Des rivages de la Baltique, au nord, jusqu'au Golfe persique, au sud, en passant par le Caucase, l'essor des monarchies ibériques et de leurs nouvelles routes maritimes semble n'avoir laissé personne indifférent. Cette première rencontre cherche à prendre la mesure des ramifications orientales des royaumes ibériques et de leurs prolongements atlantiques en suivant la trace des individus et des communautés qui les ont parcourues.
L'historiographie récente est revenue sur l'idée d'un affrontement irréconciliable entre les empires espagnol et ottoman entre les xvi e et xviii e siècles. L'étude des circulations et des diasporas a très largement contribué à montrer que les relations et les échanges entre les rives occidentales et orientales de la Méditerranée ont été beaucoup plus denses et complexes qu'on ne le pensait. Les espaces frontaliers, au Maghreb ou dans le sud de l'Italie, ont particulièrement retenu l'attention des historiens, mais des trajectoires plus discrètes ont montré que la Méditerranée était également un lieu de passage entre l'Asie et les Amériques. Des rivages de la Baltique, au nord, jusqu'au Golfe persique, au sud, en passant par le Caucase, l'essor des monarchies ibériques et de leurs nouvelles routes maritimes semble n'avoir laissé personne indifférent. Cette première rencontre cherche à prendre la mesure des ramifications orientales des royaumes ibériques et de leurs prolongements atlantiques en suivant la trace des individus et des communautés qui les ont parcourues.
This International Seminar highlights new approaches and methods for the study of Easter Europeans and Safavid Communities in Spain, Portugal and its Wider World. The concepts of “Eastern” foreigner and the Spanish Monarchy should be... more
This International Seminar highlights new approaches and methods for the study of Easter Europeans and Safavid Communities in Spain, Portugal and its Wider World. The concepts of “Eastern” foreigner and the Spanish Monarchy should be interpreted broadly, here since the session hopes to discuss the presence, the exchange and acculturation of members of the Safavid Dynasty and others Eastern nationalities, particularly as these groups find fertile ground close to the court doing from trade to go-between. The concept of foreigner that occurred in the Spanish territories crossed a wide range of boundaries. Foreigner, particularly the Eastern foreigner, not only changed from nationalities to another, but also crossed political, cultural, and social borders to inserted in a new framework.
The presence in Spain and the New World of the ‘Other Europe’ –that is, the Eastern Europeans and other communities under the aegis of the safaví-Persian dynasty, is virtually unknown. On the one hand, from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth... more
The presence in Spain and the New World of the ‘Other Europe’ –that is, the Eastern Europeans and other communities under the aegis of the safaví-Persian dynasty, is virtually unknown. On the one hand, from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century, Spanish Monarchy did not conceive political links with Eastern Europe as a priority due to geographical distance; secondly, the relationship of the Spanish Monarchy with the Islamic world has been dominated by the Morisco issue and the Magreb regencies. Consequently, much of the territories of Eastern Europe (including the Polish Monarchy and the Russian Empire), the Balkan Europe, Anatolia and the Middle East, have traditionally been regarded as remote areas of Spanish influence.
The purpose of this preliminary workshop is to discuss how to place the individuals and networks of the ‘Other Europe’ in the framework of the new studies on foreign communities in Early Modern Spain and Spanish America.
The purpose of this preliminary workshop is to discuss how to place the individuals and networks of the ‘Other Europe’ in the framework of the new studies on foreign communities in Early Modern Spain and Spanish America.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The objective of this project is to analyze the attitudes and responses of foreign communities in Spain to the second Bourbon reforms between 1759 and 1793. Recently Spanish historiography has drawn attention on the importance of the... more
The objective of this project is to analyze the attitudes and responses of foreign communities in Spain to the second Bourbon reforms between 1759 and 1793. Recently Spanish historiography has drawn attention on the importance of the eighteenth century in the construction of a national Spanish identity, a process accelerated dramatically by the Peninsular War (1808-14) and the emancipation of the American colonies (1810-25). However, despite the position reached by foreigners in eighteenth century Spanish society, the impact of nation building on these communities in Spain is still an unresolved matter. The method chosen is to compare the impact of these reforms on four specific communities: the French, the Flemish, the Italian and the British-Irish group. This will use large sources of Spanish and European national and protocol archives. In 1700 these four communities inherited from the Spanish Habsburgs strong corporate privileges, but suffered a progressive deterioration in their position, especially after the ascension of Charles III of Spain. This was a period of dramatic change, dominated by the reforms undertaken during the reign of Charles III (1759-1788) and the profound impact of the French Revolution under Charles IV (1788-1808). Against a background of dramatic cuts in their privileges, these nations adapted themselves to new circumstances in a different way (working hypothesis). Greater flexibility of Flemish, Italian and British-Irish could explain a better integration of these groups into the Spanish society, while in the French case this community decided, already from 1700, by adopting a strong institutional defense of their privileges. This eventually proved fatal, as evidenced by the mass expulsion of this foreign community in 1793. Within the theoretical, methodological and historiographical framework of this proposal, the question will arise from the use of social categories, only apparently simple, as what is a “foreigner”? With the naciones we talk of privileged social organizations in a concrete institutional framework (traders in market towns, the army, charity institutions, religious colleges, etc.); however, is it possible to establish a “model” for each of these “naciones”? How to articulate their social networks? We also will examine the consideration of foreigners by Spanish and European historiography. Given this, we will analyze the economic, political and socio-cultural consequences in three different lines: 1) Economic Implications: A Comparative approach to the Bourbon reforms on the foreign communities in Spain.
2) Policy implications: Foreigners at Court.
3) Socio-cultural implications: Foreigners in the Spanish Bourbon Army and the Enlightenment.
2) Policy implications: Foreigners at Court.
3) Socio-cultural implications: Foreigners in the Spanish Bourbon Army and the Enlightenment.
A Report on INCONTRO ITALO-SPAGNOLO DI STUDI DI STORIA MODERNA, organized by Fundación Española de Historia Moderna (FEHM) and Società Italiana per la Storia dell’Età Moderna (SISEM). Rome, 3-4 February 2014
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This volume cointains a selection of research papers presented at the First international scientific seminar “The Other Europe: Eastern Europeans and safavid Communities in Spain and its Wider World. The state of the Art and Lines of... more
This volume cointains a selection of research papers presented at the First international scientific seminar “The Other Europe: Eastern Europeans and safavid Communities in Spain and its Wider World. The state of the Art and Lines of Research”. This meeting was held at the University of Alicante, Spain, in November 2016, and it was an activity of EUROEST, the Spanish Government Coordinate Project of Excellence directed by José Cutillas Ferrer and Óscar Recio Morales from the University of Alicante and the Complutense University, Madrid (Ref. HAR201564574-C2-1-P y 2-P), with the support of the Consejo Ibero-Safavid de Estudios Históricos. This book also provides a selected number of research papers of the Second International CSIC Conference on Spain and Persia in the Early Modern Period, Missionaries in the Safavid World (Madrid, 10-11 March 2016). The interested reader has at his disposal a first volume published in this same collection, Historia de España y su Proyección Internacional, directed by Prof. Enrique García Hernán (CSIC), the book series that has already become a reference on the international history of Spain in the Early Modern World. The book The Spanish Monarchy and Safavid Persia in the Early Modern Period: Politics, War and Religion (Valencia, 2016), edited by García Hernán, Cutillas Ferrer and Rudi Matthee, is now enriched with the works that we present in the following pages.
Este libro cubre una etapa crucial de la historia de Europa: las dos revoluciones que estallaron en Inglaterra en 1638 y 1688. Las Revoluciones inglesas del siglo XVII tuvieron un impacto similar a la Revolución francesa de 1789 y a la... more
Este libro cubre una etapa crucial de la historia de Europa: las dos revoluciones que estallaron en Inglaterra en 1638 y 1688. Las Revoluciones inglesas del siglo XVII tuvieron un impacto similar a la Revolución francesa de 1789 y a la Revolución rusa de 1917. Todas acabaron con sus dinastías reinantes en esos momentos, pero la primera Revolución inglesa fue la que llevó por primera vez al patíbulo al mismísimo monarca, Carlos I Estuardo, acusado de traidor por el Parlamento inglés y ejecutado públicamente en 1649. La muerte del rey dio paso al único periodo republicano en la milenaria historia de Inglaterra, una etapa dominada por la inmensa y controvertida figura de Oliver Cromwell, el único que fue capaz de controlar al ejército victorioso de la guerra civil.
Este libro analiza de manera clara y sencilla los años revolucionarios, que marcaron para siempre la relación entre la Monarquía británica y el Parlamento. Lo hace teniendo en cuenta otros aspectos tradicionalmente poco tratados en las historias del periodo, como la importancia de Escocia e Irlanda y de las relaciones internacionales. Las Revoluciones inglesas del siglo XVII resultan cruciales para entender el determinante influjo político, económico y cultural del mundo anglosajón en nuestros días.
Este libro analiza de manera clara y sencilla los años revolucionarios, que marcaron para siempre la relación entre la Monarquía británica y el Parlamento. Lo hace teniendo en cuenta otros aspectos tradicionalmente poco tratados en las historias del periodo, como la importancia de Escocia e Irlanda y de las relaciones internacionales. Las Revoluciones inglesas del siglo XVII resultan cruciales para entender el determinante influjo político, económico y cultural del mundo anglosajón en nuestros días.
Research Interests:
In recent years historians have highlighted the influential role of foreigners in early modern Spain. Immigrant groups established complex family networks which were transnational in character and operated in many different areas of... more
In recent years historians have highlighted the influential role of foreigners in early modern Spain. Immigrant groups established complex family networks which were transnational in character and operated in many different areas of influence and authority. In the case of the Irish community it is possible to trace their efforts to permeate these ‘spaces of power’ in both Spain and its territories in the New World. In turn an understanding of the role of ‘los irlandeses’ offers important insights into the nature of political, cultural, military
and diplomatic authority within both the Spanish Monarchy and the
society that underpinned it in the Old World and the Americas. This book therefore sets out to answer a fascinating and crucial question: How did a ‘tiny’ community of Irish exiles come ‘to be visible’ in the sprawling empire of the Habsburgs? This volume examines the strategies used by the Irish in order to achieve an entirely disproportionate level of influence in key power spaces such as the state bureaucracy, the royal court, the army and navy, as well as their contribution to international trade and Spanish culture as a whole.
The volume consists of 20 contributions divided into 5 themes: Theoretical Framework; Spaces of Power: Court and Monarchy; Army and Commerce; The Role of Women and, finally, Networks of Power in Spanish America.
This volume builds upon the findings published in Ireland and the Iberian Atlantic: Mobility, Involvement and Cross-Cultural Exchange (1580–1823), edited by Igor Pérez Tostado and Enrique García Hernán (Valencia, 2010). Power Strategies: Spain and Ireland 1600–1825 is the third book published in the series entitled Spanish History from an International perspective. It is the fruit of collaboration between The Council for Spanish-Irish Historical Studies established by the Spanish National Council for Scientific Research (CSIC), the Spanish Royal Academy of History and the Royal Irish Academy. More info at www.irishinspain.es.
and diplomatic authority within both the Spanish Monarchy and the
society that underpinned it in the Old World and the Americas. This book therefore sets out to answer a fascinating and crucial question: How did a ‘tiny’ community of Irish exiles come ‘to be visible’ in the sprawling empire of the Habsburgs? This volume examines the strategies used by the Irish in order to achieve an entirely disproportionate level of influence in key power spaces such as the state bureaucracy, the royal court, the army and navy, as well as their contribution to international trade and Spanish culture as a whole.
The volume consists of 20 contributions divided into 5 themes: Theoretical Framework; Spaces of Power: Court and Monarchy; Army and Commerce; The Role of Women and, finally, Networks of Power in Spanish America.
This volume builds upon the findings published in Ireland and the Iberian Atlantic: Mobility, Involvement and Cross-Cultural Exchange (1580–1823), edited by Igor Pérez Tostado and Enrique García Hernán (Valencia, 2010). Power Strategies: Spain and Ireland 1600–1825 is the third book published in the series entitled Spanish History from an International perspective. It is the fruit of collaboration between The Council for Spanish-Irish Historical Studies established by the Spanish National Council for Scientific Research (CSIC), the Spanish Royal Academy of History and the Royal Irish Academy. More info at www.irishinspain.es.
Research Interests:
In the wake of the Irish-Spanish defeat at Kinsale (1602), through army careers and the concession of nobility titles, Spanish kings placed the Irish exiled lords and gentry in an advantageous position on a par with the nobility in the... more
In the wake of the Irish-Spanish defeat at Kinsale (1602), through army careers and the concession of nobility titles, Spanish kings placed the Irish exiled lords and gentry in an advantageous position on a par with the nobility in the early modern Spanish world. Imposition of orthodox Catholicism within the Spanish realms implied the social inclusion of certain ‘nations’ such as the Irish and the exclusion/repression of other groups who were not assimilatable into that society – Jews, Moriscos and Gypsies. Not all Irish migrants were soldiers, nor where they all men. Not all obtained honours and integration and, even for the Irish nobility, assimilation could be difficult. This book covers this complexity of Irish migration to the Spanish empire, from 17th-century Hapsburg Spain to 18th-century Bourbon Spain, from Europe to the new World, from Madrid, Brussels or Cadiz to Havana, Lima and Chile. Even though Ireland did not form part of this empire, the contribution of Irishmen and Irishwomen to this multinational empire was remarkable. The Irish ‘nation’ played a key role in the army, commerce, medicine, literary life and 18th-century Spanish Enlightenment.
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This volume originates from the seminar that took place in Madrid (June 2006) with the title “The Irish nation in the Spanish army and society (sixteenth to eighteenth centuries)”, the first international meeting of the I+D+I National... more
This volume originates from the seminar that took place in Madrid (June 2006) with the title “The Irish nation in the Spanish army and society (sixteenth to eighteenth centuries)”, the first international meeting of the I+D+I National Plan Research Project of the Spanish Ministry of Education and Science “The Irish community in the Hispanic Monarchy (sixteenth to eighteenth centuries): identity and social integration" (Director: Enrique García Hernán, High Council for Academic Research, Madrid). The primary concern of the authors was to give the volume the cohesion that is not normally associated with conference proceedings, where the themes and dates selected by the authors are very diverse. This was the reason for the clear division into five major thematic sections, with an introduction and a commentated bibliographical appendix.
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From the end of the sixteenth century, Irish colleges were established in Spain as instruments of a religious and cultural offensive in Ireland on behalf of the Spanish monarchy and the Irish community in exile. Traditionally the... more
From the end of the sixteenth century, Irish colleges were established in Spain as instruments of a religious and cultural offensive in Ireland on behalf of the Spanish monarchy and the Irish community in exile. Traditionally the religious function of these institutions has been the most stressed –as training grounds for a clergy to go into hostile Protestant-controlled territory. However the Irish colleges, besides being theological institutions, were political instruments of the Spanish monarchy as well as ‘think-tanks’ forging new concepts of ‘Irishness’ under the ideological guidance of the Irish communities. This way, Madrid adopted a ‘cultural solution’ which combined the fulfilment of its perceived obligations towards the faith under threat in Ireland and the pursuit of its pragmatic political goals there. The chosen instrument was patronage of the Irish colleges and the support of their intellectual production –catechetical, devotional and historical work. This network of colleges and seminaries was sheltered by Castilian universities –including Alcala- which embraced as an integral part of their educational programme the defence of Catholic religion and its spread and growth.
At the end of the seventeenth century, the Ulster was still an Irish territory where the Gaelic element was in force. However, the defeat of the Irish troops in the battle of Kinsale (1602) marked the beginning of a cataclysmic epoch in... more
At the end of the seventeenth century, the Ulster was still an Irish territory where the Gaelic element was in force. However, the defeat of the Irish troops in the battle of Kinsale (1602) marked the beginning of a cataclysmic epoch in Irish history and represented the dawn of an era when the attempted eradication of everything Gaelic was set in train. Most of the greatest Irish lords protected by Spain –as the O’Neills and the O’Donnells- went into exile to the Continent. Their lands were seized, largely in great state-sponsored undertakings. This book examine the plantation of Ulster and the responsability of Spain in this process; which was the Spanish diplomatic response to the process; which was the Spanish response to the Irish in exile; how Spain protected to his one day powerful Irish allies O’Neill and O’Donnell. In brief, the volume analyze an extraordinary period in Irish history in which Madrid had an extraordinary responsability as first power in Europe and allied of Irish Catholics.
The first major international symposium on Irlanda y la Monarquía hispánica: Kinsale, 1601-2001 settled the backgroud for cooperation between Irish and Spanish academics. In my contribution ‘De nación irlandés: Percepciones... more
The first major international symposium on Irlanda y la Monarquía hispánica: Kinsale, 1601-2001 settled the backgroud for cooperation between Irish and Spanish academics. In my contribution ‘De nación irlandés: Percepciones socio-culturales y respuestas políticas sobre Irlanda y la comunidad irlandesa en la España del XVII’ I tried to answer important questions such as how Irishmen and Irishwomen could survive in a land apparently so different from Ireland and which mechanisms and strategies they used to integrate themselves in the host society. We cannot think in terms of Spain as a ‘paradise land’ for the Irish. Far from it, the process was not so easy as it has been traditionally considered. The only presence of individuals from a different culture, even as regards Catholic Irishmen, provoked different reactions to these ‘strangers’. This way, we have a good collection of ‘bad habits’ and well-known clichés of the Irish in 17th C Spanish literature. Integration for the Irish (even with significant economic or political success for some of them) was reached by combining the self-consciousness of sharing a common identity –not just to be Irish, but to be Irish in Spain- with an extraordinary adaptability to the new context.
The Spanish Monarchy particular attitude towards the Irish ‘nation’ dates back to the establishment of a Madrid-Ulster axis since the reign of Philip II (1556-1598) and the Nine Years’ War in Ireland (1594-1603). This relationship... more
The Spanish Monarchy particular attitude towards the Irish ‘nation’ dates back to the establishment of a Madrid-Ulster axis since the reign of Philip II (1556-1598) and the Nine Years’ War in Ireland (1594-1603). This relationship continued after the defeat of the Spanish and Irish allied armies at Kinsale (January, 1602) bringing about a kind of patronage-fidelity bond that committed both parties to concrete responsabilities: Madrid recognised to the Irish some rights that implied a wide range of royal grants and the support of a great number of Irish families at its service. The successful Irish incorporation to the Spanish armies (with the creation of an specific Irish tercio in Spanish Flanders from 1605) and the access of the Gaelic nobility to the Spanish Military Orders (Santiago, Calatrava and Alcantara) from 1607, showed a significant positive revaluation of Ireland and Irish exile by the Spanish crown.
La precaria situación de oficiales y soldados en los ejércitos españoles de la Edad Moderna, unida a los problemas de meritocracia y venalidad, causaron la desafección dentro de la profesión y su desprestigio fuera de ella. Este estudio... more
La precaria situación de oficiales y soldados en los ejércitos españoles de la Edad Moderna, unida a los problemas de meritocracia y venalidad, causaron la desafección dentro de la profesión y su desprestigio fuera de ella. Este estudio plantea el problema de la representación colectiva de la gente de guerra y las soluciones propuestas desde la administración. Nos centramos en dos de las múltiples respuestas posibles: la figura institucionalizada del «protector del soldado» de los Habsburgos y la práctica de la protección desarrollada por los inspectores de los Borbones. Las conclusiones avanzan que el «protector del soldado» fue una respuesta vacía de contenido y de poco calado; los inspectores, por su parte, se enfrentaron a una dura oposición en su práctica de la protección y en sus intentos de extensión de su jurisdicción sobre todos los cuerpos del ejército. Los límites a la representación colectiva-la reivindicada desde las tropas, por una parte, y la ofrecida desde las instituciones, por otra-nos permiten avanzar en una lectura política de la protección asistencial y la falta de recursos para cubrir las necesidades y expectativas de los militares.
The precarious situation of officers and soldiers in Early Modern Spain, and the problems of meritocracy and venality, caused professional disaffection and loss of social prestige. This contribution raises the problem of collective representation of the military and the administrative solutions proposed. We focus on two of the many possible responses: the Habsburg institutionalized figure of the ‘Protector of Soldiers’, and the protection praxis by the Bourbon military inspectors. Conclusions confirm that the ‘Protector of Soldiers’ was an answer empty of legal content, while Bourbon inspectors faced a stiff opposition in their attempts to extend their jurisdiction all over the army. Limits to collective representation claimed by the military, on the one hand, and solutions offered by the institutions, on the other, allow us to advance in a political approach to social assistance, and the lack of resources to cover the healthcare needs and professional expectations of the military.
The precarious situation of officers and soldiers in Early Modern Spain, and the problems of meritocracy and venality, caused professional disaffection and loss of social prestige. This contribution raises the problem of collective representation of the military and the administrative solutions proposed. We focus on two of the many possible responses: the Habsburg institutionalized figure of the ‘Protector of Soldiers’, and the protection praxis by the Bourbon military inspectors. Conclusions confirm that the ‘Protector of Soldiers’ was an answer empty of legal content, while Bourbon inspectors faced a stiff opposition in their attempts to extend their jurisdiction all over the army. Limits to collective representation claimed by the military, on the one hand, and solutions offered by the institutions, on the other, allow us to advance in a political approach to social assistance, and the lack of resources to cover the healthcare needs and professional expectations of the military.
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The legal figure of the protector has its roots in the Roman Empire; it was taken up by the Christianity associated with the concept of charity and recovered in modern Europe in its triple aspect of guardian, mediator and defender. In the... more
The legal figure of the protector has its roots in the Roman Empire; it was taken up by the Christianity associated with the concept of charity and recovered in modern Europe in its triple aspect of guardian, mediator and defender. In the Spanish administration, the figure of the protector of the indians is the best known, thanks to the numerous studies on the legal status of the indigenous. The «Protector of Foreigners», on the other hand, is virtually unknown. This contribution examines its evolution and the practice of protection. It argues that the «Protector of Foreigners» could have contributed to the management of an otherness that moved, in a short
time frame, from a reduced peninsular space to a global dimension. The practice of protection, however, was channelled by such a complex, technical list of subsidies, and such a broad set of non-institutionalised social mechanisms, that there was, in fact, an abundance of figures acting as protectors.
time frame, from a reduced peninsular space to a global dimension. The practice of protection, however, was channelled by such a complex, technical list of subsidies, and such a broad set of non-institutionalised social mechanisms, that there was, in fact, an abundance of figures acting as protectors.
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Las dos revoluciones británicas fueron las de mayor impacto de todas las revueltas y revoluciones en la Europa del siglo XVII. La primera (1638-1649) acabó con un regicidio sin precedentes de gran conmoción en toda Europa: la ejecución... more
Las dos revoluciones británicas fueron las de mayor impacto de todas las revueltas y revoluciones en la Europa del siglo XVII. La primera (1638-1649) acabó con un regicidio sin precedentes de gran conmoción en toda Europa: la ejecución pública de Carlos I Estuardo; la Gloriosa (1688-1689), asentó por la fuerza la fórmula constitucional king-in-parliament y la Monarquía limitada de referencia en Europa. Esta contribución intenta hacer comprensible este complejo proceso desde una perspectiva multiterritorial: tiene en cuenta, por una parte, la situación interna de Escocia, Irlanda e Inglaterra para indagar en las dificultades de la Corona en la construcción del Estado moderno en las islas británicas; por otra, atiende a las causas externas de las dos revoluciones, tradicionalmente relegadas a un segundo plano, con especial atención a España y Francia. Las conclusiones recogen esta necesidad de examinar las “revoluciones inglesas” desde una perspectiva menos inglesa, más británica (en el sentido más amplio del término) y más europea.
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En los siglos XVI y XVII la relación de España con el Este de Europa estuvo marcada por la distancia geográfi ca, la discontinuidad diplomática y los prejuicios culturales. Desde principios del XVIII la frontera oriental despertó, sin... more
En los siglos XVI y XVII la relación de España con el Este de Europa estuvo marcada por la distancia geográfi ca, la discontinuidad diplomática y los prejuicios culturales. Desde principios del XVIII la frontera oriental despertó, sin embargo, un inusitado interés, que se intensifi có desde la llegada al trono de Carlos III en 1759. La historiografía interpretó este "redescubrimiento" en clave diplomática: el Este de Europa permitiría a España desarrollar una política autónoma a los Pactos de Familia borbónicos. El envío de militares a las embajadas de Varsovia y San Petersburgo, las necesidades de la Real Armada y las misiones de observadores militares, nos permiten introducir la importancia del factor militar en esta aproximación. Las siguientes páginas se interrogan por el papel de los militares ilustrados en la construcción de un nuevo espacio estratégico, científi co-tecnológico, mental y cultural. Las conclusiones avanzan que el utilitarismo militar fue decisivo en el "redescubrimiento" ilustrado del Este de Europa en España. Palabras clave: ejército, Abstract: Th roughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Spanish relationship with Eastern Europe was marked by geographical distance, diplomatic discontinuity and cultural prejudices. From the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Eastern frontier began to awaken an unusual interest, especially since the ascension to the throne Charles III of Spain (1759-1788).
El trato a los prisioneros de guerra fue un aspecto más del intento de regulación de la guerra en Europa desde la Edad Media. A partir del siglo XVI, la aparición de los grandes ejércitos permanentes y el intento de monopolio de la... more
El trato a los prisioneros de guerra fue un aspecto más del intento de regulación de la guerra en Europa desde la Edad Media. A partir del siglo XVI, la aparición de los grandes ejércitos permanentes y el intento de monopolio de la violencia por parte de los estados en formación aceleraron esta regulación. Pero fue en el siglo XVIII cuando la defensa de los derechos humanos se intensificó y se secularizó progresivamente, gracias al trabajo de los filósofos franceses y la publicación de obras fundamentales como Instituciones políticas (1762) de Jakob von Bielfeld y Dei Delitti e delle pene (1764) de Cesare Beccaria, entre otras. Las siguientes páginas toman como referencia cronológica este largo siglo XVIII para avanzar la siguiente pregunta: ¿en qué medida los escritos de juristas y filósofos europeos-junto a las traducciones españolas y a las producciones propias-influyeron en una nueva concepción del prisionero de guerra y de sus condiciones materiales en España? Con este fin, en la introducción contextualizamos el tema del prisionero de guerra, del que queda todavía casi todo por conocer, a pesar de la evolución de los estudios en torno a lo militar de los últimos años; en la primera parte, Humanidad y barbarie: la manera europea de hacer la guerra, relacionamos la visión de la guerra en Europa occidental con el tratamiento del prisionero; en la segunda parte, La práctica de la razón, examinamos la aplicación concreta de estas ideas entre la oficialidad borbónica española. Para ello hemos seleccionado los dos conflictos anglo-españoles de 1762 y 1779-1783, sobre los que existe una abundante información inédita sobre prisioneros de guerra en los fondos de la Secretaría de Guerra del Archivo General de Simancas. Las conclusiones preliminares avanzan que la oficialidad española compartía con sus colegas europeos de profesión una misma visión teórica sobre el tratamiento de los prisioneros de guerra, si bien pueden observarse algunas especificidades propias en la práctica: en España, la identidad religiosa del prisionero de guerra condicionó su tratamiento, hasta el punto de considerar al «prisionero católico» de origen británico como un recurso para el ejército y la industria del país, dos ámbitos profesionales marcados por un permanente déficit de recursos humanos.
The Royal Military Academy of Ávila probably was the most original military school of Eighteenth Century Spain. This contribution examines the scientific production carried out since its opening in 1774 until its final closure in 1779.... more
The Royal Military Academy of Ávila probably was the most original military school of Eighteenth Century Spain. This contribution examines the scientific production carried out since its opening in 1774 until its final closure in 1779. The goal was to expand the library collection, recognized by the first head of the academy as ‘very poor’ for some matters. To this end, he conducted a policy of translation of foreign books and preparation of textbooks adapted to the pedagogy of the military college. Some of the most important scientific works of Enlightened Spain began to be written in Ávila, and some books became after its publication in a reference to their subjects. This was the case of Indagación y reflexiones sobre la Geografía by Manuel de Aguirre, probably the most important essay on Geography of Eighteenth Century Spain, and this was also the case of Arte de hablar bien francés, the best-seller French grammar by Pierre-Nicolas Chantreau reedited in Spain until 1875.
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La España del Setecientos no se entiende sin la aportación italiana. Esta afirmación podría considerarse demasiado categórica si tenemos en cuenta la mayor visibilidad de los intereses políticos de la Monarquía hispánica en Italia durante... more
La España del Setecientos no se entiende sin la aportación italiana. Esta afirmación podría considerarse demasiado categórica si tenemos en cuenta la mayor visibilidad de los intereses políticos de la Monarquía hispánica en Italia durante toda la edad moderna: a la vinculación directa de buena parte de la Península transalpina y de sus islas mayores a los Habsburgos españoles durante los siglos XVI y XVII, le seguiría en el XVIII el intento borbónico de recuperación de los territorios perdidos por España en 1713. En realidad, términos como «Italia española» o de «predominio spagnolo» a lo manzoniano denotan ciertas connotaciones imperialistas para el primer caso, y nacionalistas en el segundo, que poco tienen que ver con la pluralidad de la praxis política aplicada en Italia por los Habsburgos madrileños; del mismo modo, la famosa «cuestión italiana» tras Utrecht-Rastadt, más que un intento de Madrid por prolongar su antiguo predominio, no sería sino una «cuestión familiar» en la que se imponía la lógica dinástica de quienes seguían manteniendo en Italia «países de familia» como Parma y Nápoles.
Cada vez vamos conociendo mejor la capacidad de la Monarquía hispánica para atraer a miles de individuos de origen extra peninsular entre los siglos XVI y XVIII. Nuevas aproximaciones como las de este volumen están contribuyendo a... more
Cada vez vamos conociendo mejor la capacidad de la Monarquía hispánica para atraer a miles de individuos de origen extra peninsular entre los siglos XVI y XVIII. Nuevas aproximaciones como las de este volumen están contribuyendo a reequilibrar una imagen casi unívoca de España como un territorio fundamentalmente de emigración económica (de peninsulares y canarios hacia América desde 1492); de expulsiones religiosas forzadas (de judíos en 1492, de moriscos en 1609); de exilios políticos más o menos voluntarios (como el círculo de los primeros liberales españoles en Londres en torno a Lord Holland, del que formaría parte desde 1810 el famoso escritor sevillano José Blanco White); o de exilios políticos obligados (como los afrancesados tras la guerra de Independencia española en 1814). Desde el siglo XVI una efectiva propaganda anglo-holandesa contribuyó de manera decisiva a la conformación de la imagen de una Monarquía cerrada sobre sí misma, celosa por conservar anacronísticamente su monopolio comercial con América, siempre hostil a la presencia de extranjeros y, por supuesto, fanática en términos religiosos. Desde los viajeros franceses del XVII hasta pensadores como Montesquieu o Voltaire en el XVIII, pasando también por los viajeros británicos y famosos economistas como Adam Smith, confirmaron muchas de estas impresiones negativas sobre los usos y costumbres españoles.
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The Castilian term corporación and their English equivalents (corporation) and French (corps) designated in the Ancien Régime society all the organized groups, institutionalized and recognized as such by the law. The foundation of... more
The Castilian term corporación and their English equivalents (corporation) and French (corps) designated in the Ancien Régime society all the organized groups, institutionalized and recognized as such by the law. The foundation of colleges and hospitals, charitable trusts, chapels, religious confraternities and other places of worship linked to a particular foreign community was framed in the context of ‘representation of the (foreign) nations’ in the Spanish court and cities of the Monarchy. Actually it was a matter of ‘making the community visible’, while these institutions operated also internally as instruments of corporate protection and internal solidarity for foreign communities in Spain. In this contribution we focus on these physical spaces of representation, the intermediary role of these institutions with the Monarchy, their agents, their identity (cultural and art production, local and public holidays) and the systems of Royal and private patronage they used to receive, in a context of harsh competition between the foreign nations themselves.
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Esta contribución examina, desde una perspectiva de largo recorrido, la cultura de servicio de las élites extrapeninsulares y las críticas políticas basadas en su origen foráneo. Con este fin se indaga en las bases de poder de estas... more
Esta contribución examina, desde una perspectiva de largo recorrido, la cultura de servicio de las élites extrapeninsulares y las críticas políticas basadas en su origen foráneo. Con este fin se indaga en las bases de poder de estas élites a principios del XVIII, su abierto cuestionamiento desde mediados de la centuria y la posibilidad americana como alternativa de ascenso social y diversificación de intereses fuera de España. Plantea la hipótesis de una entrada en crisis de la cultura cortesana del antiguo régimen, que veía normal la utilización y el patronazgo de la nobleza internacional por parte del rey. Durante el reinado de Carlos III dos episodios clamorosos, el motín de Esquilache en 1766 y el fracaso de Argel en 1775, escenificaron esta ruptura, provocada por el difícil equilibrio a la hora de dosificar las gracias entre la nueva nobleza de servicio colocada al frente de las reformas (los «técnicos») y la vieja nobleza de prestigio que secularmente había heredado los méritos de sus antepasados.
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Between 1770 and 1774, Lieutenant General Alejandro O’Reilly reached the apex of his power and influence at the Spanish court. Loaded with honors by king Charles III after his military reforms in Cuba, Puerto Rico and Louisiana, O’Reilly... more
Between 1770 and 1774, Lieutenant General Alejandro O’Reilly reached the apex of his power and influence at the Spanish court. Loaded with honors by king Charles III after his military reforms in Cuba, Puerto Rico and Louisiana, O’Reilly was appointed Governor and Military Commander of Madrid in 1773. From this position he carried on one of his greatest professional ambitions: the establishment of a new military academy for officers in Ávila (1774), following the best European models –of which O’Reilly himself had been witnessed during its formative years–, but adapted to the Spanish context. The list of officers selected for the first promotion as well as the books from the Ávila library, provide valuable information: firstly, they serve to know the officers most likely to promote in the Spanish army at that time (following the opinion of its Director, who was also the Inspector General of Infantry); secondly, they serve to know the authors and the books which were considered the most advanced of the time for military training in Spain. Despite its brief existence (and therefore quickly forgotten and so little studied), the ideas and methods used in this military academy could suggest that it was one of the major attemps of modernization of the Eighteenth Century Spanish army. Its failure could also meant the defeat of one of the largest Enlightened attempts to undermine privileges in the Bourbon army.
This paper examines the responses of foreign merchant communities to the Caroline reforms carried on in Spain between 1759 and 1793. In 1700 the so called naciones (foreign communities in Spain) inherited from the Spanish Habsburgs kings... more
This paper examines the responses of foreign merchant communities to the Caroline reforms carried on in Spain between 1759 and 1793. In 1700 the so called naciones (foreign communities in Spain) inherited from the Spanish Habsburgs kings strong corporate privileges. However, they suffered a progressive deterioration in their position, especially after the ascension of Charles III in 1759. Against this background of dramatic cuts in their privileges, the naciones adapted themselves to the new circumstances in different ways: a greater flexibility of the Flemish and Irish communities could explain a better adaptation of these groups, while in the French case this community decided, already from 1700, by adopting a strong institutional defense of their privileges. This eventually proved fatal, as evidenced by their mass expulsion from Spain in 1793. Traditionally this expulsion was linked to the shock caused by the French Revolution in Spain. However, already since 1759 there was a political line between reformadores and Spanish policymakers on the need to clarify the privileges of foreign merchants in Spain. Reforms responded to the traditional pressure from the peripheral cities, concerned about foreign competition. However, as this paper suggests, reforms also transformed the old political framework of relations between the Spanish king and the naciones –a model which underwent into his definitive crisis.
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The role of foreigners in early modern Europe was inversely proportional to the attention received by Historiography. This is also the case of Spain. Although already from 1960 the Spanish scholar Domínguez Ortiz called attention to the... more
The role of foreigners in early modern Europe was inversely proportional to the attention received by Historiography. This is also the case of Spain. Although already from 1960 the Spanish scholar Domínguez Ortiz called attention to the gap on the study of foreign communities, only since the 1990s research has begun to study systematically the activities of foreigners in Spain. However, progress in this direction is still far from the extraordinary results achieved in other areas by modern historiography. This paper addresses the possible causes of this delay and it presents also an overview of the most outstanding contributions on the role of foreigners in the Spanish finance and trade, the army, the court, the administration and industry.
Research Interests: Finance, Historiography, Culture, Trade, Spain, and 5 moreBureaucracy, Industry, Army, Court, and Foreigners
During the eighteenth century, foreigners living in Spain reached a position that has only recently begun to be explained in all its complexity. Contemptuously regarded by nineteenth-century Spanish historiography as an extremely... more
During the eighteenth century, foreigners living in Spain reached a position that has only recently begun to be explained in all its complexity. Contemptuously regarded by nineteenth-century Spanish historiography as an extremely 'extranjerizante' period of foreign interference, the French, Italian or British influence on Spanish politics and court has continued to occupy an important role in the modern historiographical debate. By extending our object of study to other professions beyond the high politics of the court, it is possible to follow a continuity of Habsburg policies on foreigners, but also a strengthening of its position under the Bourbon regime. This contribution examines this 'new' position in two key areas of eighteenth century Spain: trade and the army. The importance of foreigners in both of them confirms the need to move from a traditional historiographical view of foreigners as 'external' elements to the Spanish society, to a greater integration into its structures.
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The Irish-born Lieutenant General Alejandro O'Reilly (1723-1794) is one of the most controversial figures of Eighteenth-Century Spain. Already at the time he was branded as a mercenary, a parvenu and the king's favorite. Historiography... more
The Irish-born Lieutenant General Alejandro O'Reilly (1723-1794) is one of the most controversial figures of Eighteenth-Century Spain. Already at the time he was branded as a mercenary, a parvenu and the king's favorite. Historiography added to his name adjectives like Bloody O'Reilly or General desastre. Over the years this reputation has not been accompanied by a better understanding of his figure. This contribution examines his early years of training, since his departure from Ireland in the early 1730's to enter with two of his brothers in the royal army, until his return to Madrid in 1760 after participating as a military observer in Central Europe. These are unknown years, but they are essential to explain the different instruments that allowed O'Reilly to become the 'king's agent', as its own merits, kinship, friendship, patronage, fellowship and professional endogamy. O'Reilly's career allows us to approach to a characteristic professional profile of Bourbon Spain, that is, the senior officials of foreign origin who occuppied the highest military ranks and political positions in the eighteenth-Century Spanish Empire.
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"Il a beaucoup été écrit au sujet du processus de nationalisation des masses –un aspect fondamental pour comprendre la construction de l’Etat-nation moderne à partir du XIXe siècle. Mais les études sur l’impact de ce processus de... more
"Il a beaucoup été écrit au sujet du processus de nationalisation des masses –un aspect fondamental pour comprendre la construction de l’Etat-nation moderne à partir du XIXe siècle. Mais les études sur l’impact de ce processus de nationalisation sur les étrangers en Espagne sont pratiquement inexistantes. Cette assimilation a souvent été présentée comme une intégration naturelle et absente de conflits, mais elle pourrait ne pas s’être déroulée aussi facilement. Dans cette contribution, j’essaie de démontrer comment le changement de noms et de patronymes des Irlandais présents en Espagne au XVIIIe n’a pas été un fait aléatoire ou isolé, mais s’est inscrit dans une stratégie politique de défense devant des attaques très ciblées.
Dès l’accession au trône du premier Bourbon, Philippe V (1700–46), quelques réfugiés jacobites, surtout originaires de France, ont afflué en Espagne et ont occupé des fonctions à la cour et dans l’armée. Durant la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle, leurs descendants ont continué de développer un réseau interpersonnel et clientéliste, en tirant ainsi profit de la situation privilégiée dans laquelle se trouve le réseau jacobite à la cour espagnole. Des familles irlandaises comme les Lacy, O’Mahony, Wall, O’Reilly ou O’Higgins ont essayé de nourrir et, dans la mesure du possible, d’améliorer la position sociale de leur famille. Lorsqu’elles ont atteint la cime du pouvoir au milieu du XVIIIe siècle, ces familles ont largement redistribué les bénéfices de cette ascension parmi les membres de leur communauté.
La position des Irlandais, dans l’armée, à la cour et dans le commerce, va susciter des méfiances. L’opposition à l’étranger a constitué un élément permanent d’opposition politique en Espagne tout au long de l’époque moderne. L’étranger pouvait hispaniser son nom en l’adaptant phonétiquement ou en le modifiant. Néanmoins, il était toujours potentiellement suspect d’agir comme agent d’une autre puissance, de tirer d’énormes bénéfices du commerce en Espagne ou d’abuser de la confiance du monarque. Devant l’accusation d’étranger, l’intéressé ne pouvait faire grand-chose, même s’il pouvait légitimement penser que son intégration dans la société d’accueil était presque complète ou que sa formation professionnelle était amplement démontrée.
L’attaque aux privilèges des Grands durant le règne du premier Bourbon, joint à la militarisation complète de la société espagnole, a laissé un espace aux Irlandais –comme aux Français et aux Italiens– pour monter dans l’échelle sociale jusqu’à arriver à occuper les charges les plus importantes. Cela a provoqué une réaction de la noblesse espagnole qui, soit a déserté et s’est exilée, soit a pris la tête d’une campagne de critiques, plus ou moins clandestines, sous la forme de libelles ou de satires. Il s’est ainsi formé un «parti» politique ou faction nobiliaire (connue comme ‘parti espagnol’ ou partido castizo) opposé aux étrangers et qui manifestera des réactions xénophobes conformes à ses intérêts. Les critiques envers les Irlandais s’inscrivent dans ce ressentiment général à l’égard de la présence d’étrangers dans le gouvernement."
Dès l’accession au trône du premier Bourbon, Philippe V (1700–46), quelques réfugiés jacobites, surtout originaires de France, ont afflué en Espagne et ont occupé des fonctions à la cour et dans l’armée. Durant la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle, leurs descendants ont continué de développer un réseau interpersonnel et clientéliste, en tirant ainsi profit de la situation privilégiée dans laquelle se trouve le réseau jacobite à la cour espagnole. Des familles irlandaises comme les Lacy, O’Mahony, Wall, O’Reilly ou O’Higgins ont essayé de nourrir et, dans la mesure du possible, d’améliorer la position sociale de leur famille. Lorsqu’elles ont atteint la cime du pouvoir au milieu du XVIIIe siècle, ces familles ont largement redistribué les bénéfices de cette ascension parmi les membres de leur communauté.
La position des Irlandais, dans l’armée, à la cour et dans le commerce, va susciter des méfiances. L’opposition à l’étranger a constitué un élément permanent d’opposition politique en Espagne tout au long de l’époque moderne. L’étranger pouvait hispaniser son nom en l’adaptant phonétiquement ou en le modifiant. Néanmoins, il était toujours potentiellement suspect d’agir comme agent d’une autre puissance, de tirer d’énormes bénéfices du commerce en Espagne ou d’abuser de la confiance du monarque. Devant l’accusation d’étranger, l’intéressé ne pouvait faire grand-chose, même s’il pouvait légitimement penser que son intégration dans la société d’accueil était presque complète ou que sa formation professionnelle était amplement démontrée.
L’attaque aux privilèges des Grands durant le règne du premier Bourbon, joint à la militarisation complète de la société espagnole, a laissé un espace aux Irlandais –comme aux Français et aux Italiens– pour monter dans l’échelle sociale jusqu’à arriver à occuper les charges les plus importantes. Cela a provoqué une réaction de la noblesse espagnole qui, soit a déserté et s’est exilée, soit a pris la tête d’une campagne de critiques, plus ou moins clandestines, sous la forme de libelles ou de satires. Il s’est ainsi formé un «parti» politique ou faction nobiliaire (connue comme ‘parti espagnol’ ou partido castizo) opposé aux étrangers et qui manifestera des réactions xénophobes conformes à ses intérêts. Les critiques envers les Irlandais s’inscrivent dans ce ressentiment général à l’égard de la présence d’étrangers dans le gouvernement."
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Spain in History Ireland, ix, 3 (2001), pp 48?52. 4 AGS, E-Negocios de 'partes', Espa?a, leg, 1797, ni. The archduke Albert to Philip III, Brussels, 8 June 1606. See Jos? Mar?a Pou y Mart?, 'La Universidad de Lovaina y los... more
Spain in History Ireland, ix, 3 (2001), pp 48?52. 4 AGS, E-Negocios de 'partes', Espa?a, leg, 1797, ni. The archduke Albert to Philip III, Brussels, 8 June 1606. See Jos? Mar?a Pou y Mart?, 'La Universidad de Lovaina y los Habsburgos espa?oles' in Miscellanea Giovanni ...
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The book has its origin in the ‘Kinsale Winter School’ held at Kinsale on 3-6 January 2002 under the auspicies of the University College Cork. The volume includes more than 30 papers by scholars from Ireland, Britain, Spain and the United... more
The book has its origin in the ‘Kinsale Winter School’ held at Kinsale on 3-6 January 2002 under the auspicies of the University College Cork. The volume includes more than 30 papers by scholars from Ireland, Britain, Spain and the United States. Our contribution examine the attitudes of the Spanish soldiers at Kinsale to Ireland and their potential allies there. The Spaniards, influenced by the shipwrecks there in 1588, came to Ireland with great misgivings about the campaign –about the smallness of their own force, the military inadequacies of their Irish allies, the divided loyalties of the Old English, and the hostile terrain and weather. A close examination of the Spanish soldier’s opinions and criticisms of this particular military operation, of their specific perception of the Irish territory and of the Gaelic war tactics, can help us not only to better understand the results of this operation but also to outline and define the general Spanish army’s position on anything involving the ‘Irish question’ in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
Research Interests:
La derrota de las fuerzas aliadas hispanoirlandesas en Kinsale (1602) y el inicio de la britanización del Ulster (1607) marcaron el definitivo colapso del sistema gaélico en Irlanda. Miles de irlandeses acompañaron a sus señores en un... more
La derrota de las fuerzas aliadas hispanoirlandesas en Kinsale (1602) y el inicio de la britanización del Ulster (1607) marcaron el definitivo colapso del sistema gaélico en Irlanda. Miles de irlandeses acompañaron a sus señores en un exilio dirigido hacia los territorios de la Monarquía hispánica. En su necesidad de presentarse dignamente ante la Monarquía. desterrando así muchos de los tópicos culturales que sobre la sociedad gaélica se tenían, y en su intento de integración en la sociedad española, los irlandeses elaboraron toda una ideología política con el objetivo de legitimar sus aspiraciones. Esta ideología se basaba en tres premisas fundamentales: una continua alusión al supuesto origen ibérico de la población irlandesa, su inquebrantable fidelidad a Roma y sus continuos servicios a la Monarquía española.
The main object of the present study is to establish the different relationships between Ireland, the Continent -and partícularly Spain- in a common and decisive background: the european Counter-Refonnation. In this way, the work contains... more
The main object of the present study is to establish the different relationships between Ireland, the Continent -and partícularly Spain- in a common and decisive background: the european Counter-Refonnation. In this way, the work contains four different parts: Firstly, a reference to the growing in Ireland and among the Irish community in the exile of a 'nationalist' ideology based on a common Catholic religion and fatherland; the second part is an attempt to determine the decisive factors and stages towards the foundation of the Irish Colleges abroad and a reference to the main Seminaries on the Continent; thirdly, we will attend to the Spanish lrish connection and its importance to the establishment of Irish Colleges at Salamanca, Lisbon, Santiago, Seville and Madrid; the final part, on the Irish College of Alcalá de Henares itself, tries to clarify its foundation, consolidation, administration and future of this institution until its union to Salamanca (1785).
The relations between the Early Modern Iberian monarchies and the Euro-Mediterranean East have generally been studied from the perspective of war and religious confrontation. The Catholic societies which emerged from the Reconquest... more
The relations between the Early Modern Iberian monarchies and the Euro-Mediterranean East have generally been studied from the perspective of war and religious confrontation. The Catholic societies which emerged from the Reconquest seemed, indeed, to be located at the antipodes of these regions dominated by 'schismatics', 'heretics' or 'infidels'. However, over the past years, this perspective has been revised in particular thanks to the renewal of Mediterranean studies and the history of the Portuguese Empire in Asia. The attention paid to certain social groups placed in situations of intermediation (political, economic or cultural) has been one of the vectors of this change. The border areas, in the Maghreb or in the South of Italy, have particularly interested historians, but more discreet trajectories have shown that the Mediterranean was also a place of passage between Asia and the Americas. From the shores of the Baltic in the North, through the Caucasus to the Persian Gulf in the South, the rise of the Iberian monarchies and their new maritime routes seem to have left no one indifferent. In line with this cycle's previous seminar, organized in Madrid in 2017, this one seeks to measure the eastern ramifications of the Iberian kingdoms and their Atlantic extensions by following the path of the individuals and communities that travelled through them.
Research Interests: Mediterranean Studies, 16th Century (History), Cultural Intermediaries In The Early Modern Mediterranean, History of the Mediterranean, History of the Portuguese Empire, and 5 more17th century Europe, History of the Eastern Mediterranean, Spanish empire, Monarquía Hispánica, and Early modern diplomacy
La historiografía reciente ha demostrado que no hubo un enfrentamiento irreconciliable entre los imperios español y otomano durante los siglos XVI y XVIII. El estudio de las circulaciones y de las diásporas ha contribuido en gran medida... more
La historiografía reciente ha demostrado que no hubo un enfrentamiento irreconciliable entre los imperios español y otomano durante los siglos XVI y XVIII. El estudio de las circulaciones y de las diásporas ha contribuido en gran medida en subrayar que las relaciones entre las costas occidentales y orientales del Mediterráneo han sido mucho más densas y complejas de lo que se pensaba. Las zonas fronterizas, en el Magreb o en el sur de Italia, han sido especialmente estudiadas por los historiadores, pero trayectorias más discretas han demostrado que el Mediterráneo ha sido también un espacio de circulación entre Asia y América. Desde las costas del Mar Báltico en el norte, hasta el Golfo Pérsico en el sur, pasando por el Cáucaso, el auge de las monarquías ibéricas y de sus nuevas rutas marítimas no han pasado desapercibidas. Este primer encuentro pretende rastrear las ramificaciones orientales de los reinos ibéricos y sus extensiones atlánticas siguiendo los pasos de los individuos y de las comunidades que las han recorrido.
L’historiographie récente est revenue sur l’idée d’un affrontement irréconciliable entre les empires espagnol et ottoman entre les XVIe et XVIIIe siècles. L’étude des circulations et des diasporas a très largement contribue à montrer que les relations et les échanges entre les rives occidentales et orientales de la Méditerranée ont été beaucoup plus denses et complexes qu’on ne le pensait. Les espaces frontaliers, au Maghreb ou dans le sud de l’Italie, ont particulièrement retenu l’attention des historiens, mais des trajectoires plus discrètes ont montré que la Méditerranée était également un lieu de passage entre l’Asie et les Amériques. Des rivages de la Baltique, au nord, jusqu’au Golfe persique, au sud, en passant par le Caucase, l’essor des monarchies ibériques et de leurs nouvelles routes maritimes semble n’avoir laissé personne indiffèrent. Cette première rencontre cherche à prendre la mesure des ramifications orientales des royaumes ibériques et de leurs prolongements atlantiques en suivant la trace des individus et des communautés qui les ont parcourues.
L’historiographie récente est revenue sur l’idée d’un affrontement irréconciliable entre les empires espagnol et ottoman entre les XVIe et XVIIIe siècles. L’étude des circulations et des diasporas a très largement contribue à montrer que les relations et les échanges entre les rives occidentales et orientales de la Méditerranée ont été beaucoup plus denses et complexes qu’on ne le pensait. Les espaces frontaliers, au Maghreb ou dans le sud de l’Italie, ont particulièrement retenu l’attention des historiens, mais des trajectoires plus discrètes ont montré que la Méditerranée était également un lieu de passage entre l’Asie et les Amériques. Des rivages de la Baltique, au nord, jusqu’au Golfe persique, au sud, en passant par le Caucase, l’essor des monarchies ibériques et de leurs nouvelles routes maritimes semble n’avoir laissé personne indiffèrent. Cette première rencontre cherche à prendre la mesure des ramifications orientales des royaumes ibériques et de leurs prolongements atlantiques en suivant la trace des individus et des communautés qui les ont parcourues.
Research Interests: Modern History, Diasporas, Mediterranean Studies, XVIII century, Maritime Routes, and 13 moreDiaspora, Mediterranean, Ottoman Empire, Diaspora Studies, Modern Ottoman History, History of the Mediterranean, Modern Spanish History, Spanish empire, XVII century, Spying and Intelligence, Siglo XVI, Espionage and diplomacy in the Ottoman Empire, and Migration and Diaspora Studies
Como precursores de los imperios marítimos, la expansión de las monarquías ibéricas ha sido generalmente estudiada desde los espacios atlánticos y asiáticos. El programa Ibero-riente tiene por objetivo desviar la mirada de las fronteras... more
Como precursores de los imperios marítimos, la expansión de las monarquías ibéricas ha sido generalmente estudiada desde los espacios atlánticos y asiáticos. El programa Ibero-riente tiene por objetivo desviar la mirada de las fronteras ultramarinas a otras periferias más cercanas y, en general, menos exploradas por los historiadores del mundo ibérico. De hecho, desde las orillas del Mar Báltico en el norte hasta el Golfo Pérsico en el sur, pasando por el Cáucaso, el oriente euromediterráneo habría quedado fuera del alcance de la expan-sión ibérica. Este programa pretende, por tanto, reunir las historias fragmentadas de las ramificaciones orientales de los reinos ibéricos e insertarlas en una lectura global de la ex-pansión de la monarquía católica en la era moderna. Después de Madrid y Oxford, este tercer encuentro pretende centrarse simétricamente en las comunidades originarias de la penínsu-la ibérica asentadas en los imperios persa y otomano y las constituidas por súbditos persas y otomanos asentados en los territorios de las monarquías ibéricas. El reto es entender cómo, a pesar o gracias a la hostilidad entre las monarquías católicas y musulmanas, algunos indi-viduos o grupos han encontrado oportunidades para establecerse en territorio ajeno y se han beneficiado de la protección de los monarcas. ¿Es posible diseñar paralelismos entre estos grupos, en la forma en que negociaron su siempre frágil presencia con el poder real, en los vínculos que mantuvieron con las sociedades de origen, o en la forma en que construyeron vínculos con las sociedades locales en las que estuvieron asentados?
En tant que précurseurs des empires maritimes, l'expansion des monarchies ibériques a généralement été étudiée depuis les espaces atlantiques et asiatiques. Le programme Ibe-rorient se donne pour objectif de déplacer le regard des confins ultramarins vers des péri-phéries plus proches et généralement moins explorées. En effet, des rives de la Baltique, au nord, jusqu'au Golfe persique, au sud, en passant par le Caucase, l'orient euro-méditerranéen serait resté à l'écart de l'expansion ibérique. Ce programme cherche donc à remembrer les histoires fragmentées des ramification orientales des royaumes ibériques et à les insérer dans une lecture globale de l'expansion de la monarchie catholique à l'époque moderne. Après Madrid et Oxford, cette troisième rencontre voudrait s'intéresser de façon symétrique aux communautés originaires de la Péninsule ibérique installées dans les empires perse et ottoman et à celles constituées par des sujets perses et ottomans implantées dans les ter-ritoires des monarchies ibériques. L'enjeu est de comprendre comment, en dépit ou à cause de l'hostilité affichée entre les monarchies catholiques et musulmanes, des groupes se sont établis dans des territoires adverses et ont bénéficié de la protection des monarques. Est-il possible de dresser des parallélismes entre ces groupes, dans leur manière de négocier leur présence toujours fragile avec le pouvoir royal, dans les liens qu'ils entretiennent avec les sociétés d'origine, dans la manière dont ils construisent des liens dans les sociétés locales où ils sont installés ?
En tant que précurseurs des empires maritimes, l'expansion des monarchies ibériques a généralement été étudiée depuis les espaces atlantiques et asiatiques. Le programme Ibe-rorient se donne pour objectif de déplacer le regard des confins ultramarins vers des péri-phéries plus proches et généralement moins explorées. En effet, des rives de la Baltique, au nord, jusqu'au Golfe persique, au sud, en passant par le Caucase, l'orient euro-méditerranéen serait resté à l'écart de l'expansion ibérique. Ce programme cherche donc à remembrer les histoires fragmentées des ramification orientales des royaumes ibériques et à les insérer dans une lecture globale de l'expansion de la monarchie catholique à l'époque moderne. Après Madrid et Oxford, cette troisième rencontre voudrait s'intéresser de façon symétrique aux communautés originaires de la Péninsule ibérique installées dans les empires perse et ottoman et à celles constituées par des sujets perses et ottomans implantées dans les ter-ritoires des monarchies ibériques. L'enjeu est de comprendre comment, en dépit ou à cause de l'hostilité affichée entre les monarchies catholiques et musulmanes, des groupes se sont établis dans des territoires adverses et ont bénéficié de la protection des monarques. Est-il possible de dresser des parallélismes entre ces groupes, dans leur manière de négocier leur présence toujours fragile avec le pouvoir royal, dans les liens qu'ils entretiennent avec les sociétés d'origine, dans la manière dont ils construisent des liens dans les sociétés locales où ils sont installés ?