Unlike recent proposals positing an anticausative intermediate stage in the grammaticalization path of the Italian venire-passive, in this article diachronic data will be presented suggesting a different evolution, in which resultativity plays a major role. Supporting evidence will be found in the aspectual restrictions of the venire-passive in modern Italian, while Rhaetoromance (ve)gnir-passive and Iberoromance "venir + participle" predicative construcions provide further comparative data.
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