Emergence of the Ideology of the Warrior
in the Western Mediterranean during the second Half
of the fourth Millennium BC
By Christian Jeunesse1
Schlagwörter:
Keywords:
˚º2å*,ß* æº;,-:
Iberische Halbinsel/Frankreich/Italien/Südosteuropa/Nordschwarzmeerraum/Nordkaukasien/
SOM-Horgen-Wartberg-Horizont/Megalith-Kultur/Majkop-Kultur/Schnurkeramik-Kultur/
Glockenbecher-Kultur/Remedello-Kultur/Grab/Waffen
Iberian Peninsula/France/Italy/Southeast Europe/Northern Black Sea Area/North Caucasus/
SOM-Horgen-Wartberg horizon/Megalith culture/Maikop culture/Corded ware culture/
Bellbeaker culture/Remedello
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Introduction
When sketching a broad picture of European Neolithic, it has become a standard practice to date
one of the major historical turning points to the
transition between the megalithic period of the Late
Neolithic I (the SOM-Horgen-Wartberg horizon) and
the Late Neolithic II beaker cultures, namely Corded
Ware and Bell Beaker. The emergence of the Corded
Ware culture, followed a few centuries later and in
other areas by that of the Bell Beaker culture, would
coincide with the appearance of a new ideology,
giving a more prominent role to the individual and
focused on the warrior figure, as suggested by the
greater symbolic value granted to weapons, for instance daggers, axes and bows placed in certain
male graves. We will not go further in the characterization of the ‘‘ideology of the warrior’’, to put it
simply, even if we are aware that the very notion it
implies needs debating.2 This paper is going to discuss the date of the emergence, at a continental
level, of this mutation, considered by many authors
as a true social and ideological revolution. A broader overview on continental scale shows how the importance given the transition between the Late Neolithic I and II is tightly related to the fact that its
definition has been given by specialists from areas
where the emergence of the ideology of the warrior
actually coincide with that of the beaker cultures
and where they have been struck by the brutal contrast between the local tradition of collective mega1 CNRS, UMR 7044 – Institut universitaire de France –
jeunessechr@free.fr. – Here we want to thank the director of the
Eurasia-Department of the German Archaeological Institute,
Prof. Dr. Svend Hansen, for the possibility to publish this article
in Eurasia Antiqua.
2
For the most recent publication on the subject, see the introduction of the concept of the charismatic ‘‘hero’’ by Hansen
2013.
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lithic burials containing poor and hardly discriminatory grave goods, and the appearance of single
graves of men accompanied by bows, daggers or
battle axes.
This scenario can truly be applied only to the
western and northern fringes of the continent,
namely a zone which corresponds to the distribution
area, except for the western Mediterranean, of the
second megalithic movement (3500–2800/2400 BC).
Elsewhere can be found at least two large areas in
which the evolution is different and where the two
moments corresponding to the appearance of both
the Corded Ware and the Bell Beaker cultures are
not much historically significant.
The first area is located in the south of Eastern
Europe, between the eastern Carpathian foothills
and the northern Caucasian ones. There, warrior
graves presenting the same characteristics as the
beaker cultures graves can be found at least since
the emergence of the Maikop culture, circa 3800/
3700 BC, where they reflect a social and ideological
context that will last uninterruptedly till the second
half of the third millennium. The Yamnaja culture
(3300 –2500 BC) plays a major role in the eastward
(up to the Altai3) and westward (Carpathian basin)
spreading of this large complex born from the Maikop culture. During the second half of the fourth
millennium, its social structure is characterized by
a strong vertical differentiation, as testified by the
existence of aristocratic, even ‘‘royal’’ graves, such
as the famous mound burial in the eponymous
site.4 During the following horizon, dominated by
the Yamnaja and the Catacomb cultures, the small
elite which benefited from these luxuriously filled
graves disappears and a two-level society appears,
3
4
For the role played by the Yamnaja culture in the formation of
the Afanasievo culture: see Anthony 2007.
Jeunesse 2014.
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Christian Jeunesse
in which the dominating cast is composed, as in the
beaker cultures, of local chiefs buried with their
weapons.
Attention will now be drawn to the second
area, located in the western Mediterranean, which
covers, with various levels of intensity, the Italian
Peninsula, Sardinia,5 the Southern Alps and the
south of the Iberian Peninsula, and diffuses towards
the neighboring areas, notably the other regions of
the Iberian Peninsula and the South-East of France.
The ideology of the warriors emerges here far sooner than the Bell Beaker culture. According to the
regions, it can indeed be dated between 3500 and
3000 and it marks the establishment of a new civilization which will bloom during the first half of the
third millennium. In the areas more strongly impacted by this movement, the appearance of the
Bell Beaker culture can be considered as a mere
secondary event which does not challenge the ideological and social bases. The western Mediterranean hence split in two distinct areas: on the one
hand regions such as northern and central Italy
where the ideology of the warrior becomes the dominating one, on the other hand conflict zones where
it comes up against the strong resistance of the ancient ideology of collective megalithic graves. The
Alp area, with the famous examples of Sion and
Saint-Martin-de-Corléans (Aosta), is in a way situated on the front line of this ideological fight.
Warrior graves from the fourth millennium
in the western Mediterranean
Italy
In Italy, the long lasting pre-Bell Beaker period
when the ideology of the warrior dominated is
known through the famous Remedello, Spilamberto,
Gaudo and Rinaldone cultures, to mention only the
main ones. It has yielded a great number of cemeteries with warrior graves, the composition of which
very much resembles that of later Corded Ware and
Bell Beaker cemeteries from central and Atlantic
Europe. The standard grave goods in male graves
from the dominating strata are composed of a dagger (in copper or flint), a copper flat axe and a more
or less big amount of finely retouched flint arrowheads that probably accompanied a bow. The staple
metal set (dagger and flat axe) is often complemented by a quadrangular sectioned awl. This is for instance the case in grave 20 from Ponte San Pietro
5
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Concerning Sardinia that will not be mentioned any more Melis
et al. 2012 for the overall context. – Usai/Perra 2012: anthropomorphic steles.
(Latium) (Fig. 1). The basic set can be found in the
Rinaldone graves from Stroncone, Pieza and Guardistallo (Fig. 2) as well as in some graves from the
Remedello and Spilamberto cultures in northern
Italy. The establishment and consolidation of the
ideology of the warrior all along the centuries come
along with the emergence of a whole range of new
objects – among which a wide range of daggers and
flint or copper halberd blades – with an unprecedented development of the metallurgy and with the
appearance of anthropomorphic steles, some of
which bearing decorations that strongly recall the
grave goods found in warrior graves.
The increasing number of radiocarbon dating
has led these past years to assign a significantly
older date to the emergence of this phenomenon,
which was classically dated to the beginnings of
the third millennium. All the dates considered today
are around 3500/3300: 3300 for the Gaudo culture,6
3400/3300 for the Remedello7 and Spilamberto8
cultures. Concerning Rinaldone, the dating made
on graves from the Lunghezzina9 and Ponte San Pietro10 cemeteries have given similar results, tending
to be even slightly older.11 Ötzi’s presumed grave
(southern Tyrol), dated between 3350 and 3120,12
belongs to the same chronological horizon and cultural background. According to these dates, the life
of the corresponding cultures must be considerably
lengthened, all of them seeming to last at least until
the middle of the third millennium. Along this long
period of time, the precise date of appearance of the
most emblematic objects (for instance the various
types of daggers, halberd blades, the various stylistic categories of anthropomorphic steles, the
crutch-shaped pins. . .) still remains to be specified.13 Once this work is completed, it will be possible to distinguish between the original set and
the characteristics that were added all along this
period.
We are thus facing today an Early Chalcolithic
(or late Neolithic I) with warrior ideology and single
graves, the first part of which (c. 3500 –2900) is con6 Paciarelli 2011.
7 De Marinis 2013.
8
Bernabò Brea/Miari 2013.
9
Anzidei et al. 2003.
10
Dolfini 2010.
11
Grave 3 from Lunghezzina (Latium): between 3630 and 3380 BC
(Anzidei et al. 2003), Ponte San Pietro (Latium): 6 dates from
4 graves, situated between 3750 and 3014 BC (Dolfini 2010,
713).
12
Egg/Spindler 2009.
13
The recent Italian papers on this subject already provide great
help. Let’s mention for instance the Remedello type dagger,
for which a series of dating made on the US 8 level of the
Grotta della Spinosa (Dolfini 2010) suggests a probable existence as early as the end of 4th millennium (four dates between 3485 and 2903 BC).
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Ideology of the Warrior
173
Fig. 1.
San Pietro, Ischia di
Castro, province of
Viterbe. Grave goods
from the Chalcolithic
burial (Rinaldone culture) n 20. Grave
goods. – 3.4.21–24
copper (after Miari
1993).
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174
Christian Jeunesse
Fig. 2.
Assemblages from
Chalcolithic single
graves from Central Italy (Rinaldone culture).
A Pienza; B Stroncone;
C Guardistallo (after
Müller-Karpe 1974,
pl. 438).
temporary to the Horgen Culture and the great time
of erection of the collective graves during the second megalithic period in northern Germany, southern Scandinavia, western and southern France. This
is indeed not an unvarying complex; nevertheless it
shows a globally homogeneous image as testified,
among other things, by the standard male grave
goods. It has already been underlined how, except
for a few secondary differences such as the main
role of the copper flat axe, these goods did show
strong resemblances with the beaker cultures. The
existence of a few exceptional grave goods characterized by an over-abundance of weapons is another focal point. After S. Hansen,14 one can mention for instance grave 3 from the Rinaldone
necropolis, in which two flat axes, three daggers,
one halberd blade and 22 arrowheads were discovered; it can be compared with the 18 flint arrowheads, two wrist guards and three copper daggers
from the famous Amesbury Bell Beaker grave.15 Relatively speaking, this abundance of weapons allows to link those graves and certain steles from
the southern Alps foothills, such as Arco’s16
(Fig. 3). Older dates and results from recent excavations, particularly settlements,17 are thus bringing
out a civilization block of major importance, both
by its geographical extension and its duration, the
historical meaning of which had been so far largely
underestimated. In the area concerned here, the
presumed revolution of the beaker cultures (in this
case the Bell Beaker culture) would actually be a
mere secondary event in a region where the ideology of the warrior has been prominent for at least
nine or ten centuries.
The Iberian Peninsula
The same phenomenon has hit the Iberian Peninsula, though to a lesser extent. The end of the fourth
millennium is characterized by the spectacular development of metallurgy, the appearance of anthro-
16
17
14
Hansen 2013.
15
Fitzpatrick 2011.
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This relation was underlined by Hansen as early as 2002 (Hansen 2002).
We are referring in particular to the large houses from the Via
Guidorossi in Parma, dated to the transition between the 4th
and 3rd millenniums (Bernabò Brea/Mazzieri 2013).
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175
Ideology of the Warrior
pomorphic steles and a whole range of copper objects that significantly resembles the one observed
in Italy. Even if no large cemetery with single graves
has been identified so far, single graves with warrior grave goods are nevertheless present. The most
spectacular is the famous Alcalá burial (province of
Algarve, southern Portugal). This grave was placed
in a niche put in the edge of a tholos;18 the abundant grave assemblage it yielded consisted of the
usual mix of copper (three flat axes, four halberd
blades, at least five dagger blades, a chisel and a
quadrangular-sectioned awl) and flint (seven non
retouched large blades and 13 arrowheads) objects.
They came along with five vessels and 32 bone and
stone beads (Fig. 4). All the characteristics of the
rich Italian male graves are represented in this
grave marked by over-abundant equipment.19 It is
not dated precisely, but commonly attributed to a
late phase of the Los Millares culture, in particular
due to the presumed presence of halberd blades,
however considered by some researchers more as
dagger blades. Yet, thanks to some discoveries, notably in Italy (grave goods and iconography of
anthropomorphic steles), we know today that the
halberd (with flint or copper blade) undoubtedly appears before the emergence of the Bell Beaker culture. It is thus highly likely that the Alcalá burial
should be dated to the pre-Bell Beaker period, contemporary to the full bloom (3100 –2500) of the
great Chalcolithic cultures (Los Millares and Vilanova de São Pedro) in the South of the Iberian Peninsula. The Alcalá burial holds a special place at that
time. It can indeed be considered as a single burial
placed inside the chamber of a collective grave, as
the case often happens later for a great number of
Bell Beaker burials, and thus testify to the existence
of a dual – and maybe conflictive – funerary system that would associates the traditional ‘‘collective’’ burial to a ritual drawn towards the exaltation
of the warrior individual.
The discovery of the cist grave of Reguers de
Sero n Artesa de Segre20 (Catalonia) ( ) brought evidence of the existence in the Iberian Peninsula of
pre-Bell beaker anthropomorphic steles resembling
those of northern Italy.21 The absence so far of cemeteries composed of single graves is the main difference with what happens in Italy between 3400
and 2500. The changes that take place at the end
18
Leisner/Leisner 1943.
19
The large unretouched blades are found also in the Italian
graves from the late Neolithic I. There is not enough space in
this paper to detail the place of these blades in the ‘‘warrior’’
grave goods and to learn from this additional affinity between
Italy, the Iberian Peninsula and the South of France.
20
Lopez et al. 2009; Tarrus Galter 2012.
21 With the same episodes of destruction and reuse during the
Bell Beaker period as in Sion and Aoste.
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Fig. 3.
Trentino, northern Italy.
The anthropomorphic
Arco stele illustrates
the diversity of metallurgical productions in
the Italian Chalcolithic
and shows a spectacular example of overequipment (after
Brandherm 2004).
of the fourth millennium are thus less deeply rooted
in the Iberian Peninsula, where the indigenous culture is resisting more strongly, as proved by the
mixing observed in the Alcalá barrow. What can be
seen at its purest in Italy appears here under a
somewhat blurred form due to the stronger resistance of the local culture which integrates the innovations while partially adapting them at the same
time.
The South of France
This phenomenon concerns the South of France as
well. The same spectacular development of metallurgy at the end of the fourth millennium is to be
observed there too, together with the same boom
– quantitatively and qualitatively speaking – of the
copper and flint daggers and the emergence, probably over a rather long time phase, of several types
of anthropomorphic steles, the well-known ‘‘sta-
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176
Fig. 4.
Alcalá, Algarve, Portugal. Individual burial.
Metal and lithic grave
goods (after Leisner/
Leisner 1943). –
1–15.32.35.36 copper;
16 –31.33.34 flint.
Christian Jeunesse
tues-menhirs’’. Even if at least one ‘‘Italian’’ type
grave has been discovered, we have to keep in
mind that we are here on the other side of the cultural frontier previously evoked through the examples of the sites of Sion and Aoste. Just like in
Spain, the problem comes from the more or less
pronounced dilution of the innovations in the indigenous cultural background, namely the collective
burials, with which the ambivalent relationships
show both conflict and cultural mixing.
The above mentioned Italian type grave, situated in Fontaine-le-Puits (Savoie), has recently returned to the spotlight with the new review of its
data (Rey et al. 2010). It is dated between 3500
and 3100 BC22 and has yielded abundant grave
goods, consisting notably of a flat axe, a copper
blade, 33 flint arrowheads and 10 flint blades, two
greenstone axes and two wild boar’s tusks (Fig. 5).
This set remains the only one known on the
western side of the Alps, an area where the Italian
type ‘‘chalcolithization’’ process seems to have a
limited impact before 3000 BC. The influences that
testify to a phenomenon similar to the one which
produced the warrior graves cultures in northern
Italy become more important later, as proved by
the numerous anthropomorphic steles and the appearance of a wide range of daggers (in copper or
flint) and all over retouched arrowheads that largely
overlaps the range known on the other side of the
Alps. The westwards dissemination of the Remedello type dagger, with the well-known example from
the Orgon dolmen23 and the rock carved images24
are a good illustration of this phenomenon. Like the
Orgon dagger, most objects belonging to the ‘‘warrior set’’ come from collective burials, as in the
South of the Iberian Peninsula. Their presence
could be the sign of the contamination by exogenous practices of the ‘‘egalitarian’’ funerary ideology
during the second megalithic period, which shows
above all through a prevailing ‘‘poverty’’ of grave
goods in collective graves. The lack of closed finds
utterly prevents us from recreating the ‘‘individual’’
sets in collective graves, nevertheless an examination of the inventories shows that the range of artefacts concerned –notably the flat axe-dagger-bunch
of arrowheads trio- is similar to the one associated
with the ‘‘Italian’’ warriors. As for the Iberian Peninsula, a limited impact of the ideology of the warrior
on a society which somehow tries to preserve its
ideological basics is then the most probable as-
22 Poz – 25225: 4615 " 35 BP (3516 –3142); Ly-1840: 4570
23
Rossi/Gattiglia 2005.
24
" 45 BP (3497–3100) (Rey et al. 2010).
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Ideology of the Warrior
sumption. On the ‘‘statues menhirs’’, weapons are
not or very discretely represented (depending on
the interpretation of some motives): this could be
another proof of these mixing phenomena that testify to a local reinterpretation of exogenous traits.
Origins in the steppes?
The ideology of the warrior, often still considered to
have been created by the Late Neolithic II ‘‘megacultures’’ (i. e. The Corded Ware and Bell Beaker
cultures) is definitely present in Italy in a completed
form as early as the third fourth of the fourth millennium. Somewhat later and at various degrees, the
transformations that directed its implementation
also affect part or whole of the Iberian Peninsula
and the South of France. They appear coherent enough to allow to gamble, that they reflect a homogeneous movement. The development or the renewal of the copper metallurgy25 (including the
innovative intentional use of the copper-arsenic alloy)26, the single male burial containing warrior
grave goods, the higher social and symbolic value
of the weapons – the same range everywhere, with
widely overlapping typologies- and the production
of anthropomorphic steles: all these novelties certainly did not appear nearly at the same moment all
over the Western Mediterranean area just by
chance. The fact that this bundle of innovations
works as a package is negatively illustrated by its
absence in Corsica, where none of its characteristics ever penetrated during this period. Italy is the
most affected region and the break with the various
local backgrounds is great. Elsewhere one can observe some kinds of compromise between the ‘‘individualistic’’ ideology of the warrior and the local
ideology of collective burials. From my point of
view, the geographical scale and the homogeneity
of this phenomenon are decisive arguments against
the sometimes put forward hypothesis of a local
evolution from the various cultures that were present in the concerned region before 3500/3300 BC.
This point of view is always based on partial views
that do not take into account the global coherence
of the phenomenon. A certain specialist will insist
on the existence in Italy of signs of a copper metallurgy prior to the emergence of the ideology of the
warrior,27 but he will forget to notice how deep,
both quantitatively and qualitatively, the break of
25
This comes together, at least in Italy, with the appearance of a
whole range or silver objects (Bergonzi 2012).
26 This alloy allows the production of sturdier objects. Concerning this point, see Chernykh 1992 for eastern Europe; Müller
et al. 2007 for the Los Millares culture; Briard 1991 for the
Artenac Culture (southwestern France); De Marinis 2005 for
the Italian Early Chalcolithic.
27
Dolfini 2010.
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the metallurgical practice on the threshold of the
Chalcolithic is, and how the typology of the copper
artefacts is completely renewed. Others will explain
how the ‘‘statues-menhirs’’ from southern France
are ‘‘announced’’ by menhirs described as ‘‘aniconic steles’’, but they will not ponder about the overall context, social in particular, in which the anthropomorphic steles appeared and about its
relationships with the other simultaneously emerging characters.
In a recent work about the ‘‘statues-menhirs’’28 I have tried to show that the new configuration which becomes predominant with the ‘‘revolution’’ of the ideology of the warrior in the second
half of the fourth millennium is after all no more
than the reproduction, whatever the selected level
of analysis (isolated object, assemblage of funerary
goods, nature and concomitance of the changes), of
a system that exists in the other big area that has
yielded single warrior burials, namely the south of
eastern Europe, between the western fringes of the
North-Pontic steppes and the Caucasus northern
foothill. In this area is located a great cultural complex, first expressing itself as early as 3800 BC
through the Maikop culture, and in a second time
evolving to several cultures among which the Yam28
Fig. 5.
Fontaine-le-Puits,
Savoie, France. Chalcolithic burial dated
between 3500 and
3100 BC (after Strahm
2005). – 1 copper awl
and antler haft socket;
2 copper axe; 3 copper
dagger; 4 copper
blade; 5–7 flint arrowheads; 8.9: boar tusks;
10.11 flint blades;
12 shell pendant.
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Christian Jeunesse
naja culture is the most famous, and more or less
contemporary to the chronological horizon dealt
with in this paper (3300 –2500 BC). Recent research
have shown that the elements composing what
some have called the Yamnaja ‘‘package’’, including the anthropomorphic steles, are actually already
present in the Maikop29 culture, which we consider
as the epicentre of the phenomenon whose effects
on the western Mediterranean regions have been
described.
Concerning western cultures with warrior burials, the idea of a steppe origin – to put it simply –
is not new. Everyone knows that it lies at the heart
of Marija Gimbutas’s work. Because of the exaggeration in her diffusionist theories and the wellknown changes in paradigms that have affected
the evolution of European research during the second half of the 20th century, this hypothesis has
been pushed aside. And yet, no one has been able
so far to offer an alternative pattern that would globally and satisfactorily account for the facts used by
Gimbutas to back up her argumentation. Hence the
diffusionist option could not do but come back
sooner or later in the scientific debate. It goes to
R. Harrison and V. Heyd to have first dared give it
back the place it deserves. In a large-scale work the
two researchers have proposed an inventory of the
Central European and Balkan sites which present
traits of steppe origin and developed the theory of
the existence of a major wave of influences following the establishment of the Yamnaja culture in the
eastern Carpathian basin, said to have taken place
between 2900 and 2700 BC.30 According to these
authors, the ‘‘Yamnaja event’’ would explain the existence of a whole series of Yamnaja type grave
sets, such as the ones found in Mala Gruda and
Velika Gruda graves in Montenegro,31 only to mention two particularly emblematic examples. They describe a circulation from East to West, prior indeed
to the Bell Beaker diffusion, but according to them
not going back beyond 2900 BC32 and, leaving
aside the statues-menhirs, not spreading much
further than the Italian Alps and the eastern shore
of the Adriatic Sea. Their reasoning is very convincing and offers a historical overview much invaluable
for the understanding of European history in the
first half of the third millennium. Yet the weak point
lies in totally blanking the fact that the first occur29
The following works can give a rather exhaustive picture of
this culture: Rezepkin 2000; Godevarica 2002; Anthony 2007;
Müller-Karpe 1974; Chernykh 1992; Ivanova 2007, 2012, Jeunesse 2014.
30
Harrison/Heyd 2007.
31
Primas 1996.
32
Some authors give an earlier date for the establishment of the
Yamnaja culture in the eastern part of the Carpathian basin,
for instance T. Horváth for which the colonization process begins around 3100/3000 BC: Horváth 2011; Horváth 2012.
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rences of the steppe ‘‘set’’ in western Europe are a
great deal prior to the Yamnaja event, since they are
present as early as the last third of the fourth millennium in the areas mentioned above. We are thus
convinced of the existence of a first wave of steppe
influences during the last centuries of the fourth
millennium, which constitutes the opening event of
an expansion that afterwards goes on all along the
Late Neolithic I horizon, between 3500/3300 and
2500 BC.
The new dates mentioned above give them a
wider historical depth that can partly explain the
great diversity of their expressions and of the reconfigurations they provoked among the western Mediterranean societies.33 All things considered, the
model put forward is similar to Heyd and Harrison’s,
who describe a two-pronged scenario, first with the
steppe complex expanding its territory just like a
real colonization (establishment of the Yamnaja culture in the Carpathian Basin), and in a second time
with faraway and limited projections from the newly
occupied territory or from the Steppes area on. In
our case, the expansion is the one leading the
steppe element towards the Lower Danube areas in
the middle of the fourth millennium, and the faraway projections correspond to what I intended to
describe in this paper. These projections had various impacts, given their strength and the level of
resistance of the indigenous societies. To illustrate
this aspect, let’s take a closer look at one last example, the Ventabren barrow cemetery, Bouches-du
Rhône, France.
This cemetery34 was excavated in 1995 and
has yielded five circular barrows delimited by stone
rings, a feature that is clearly different from the regional dolmen architecture of the time and at the
same time faithfully imitates the architecture of the
eastern kurgans from the Maikop culture and its derivate manifestations during the fourth and third
millenniums in eastern and southern Europe (Fig. 6),
to which it is also very close through two other utterly major aspects: on the one hand the use of reemployed steles in the implementation of the limitation system, and on the other hand the fact that
these monuments were conceived to house single
burials. One of them, dated to between 3370 and
2925 BC, has yielded 11 large blades made by using
pressure technique.35
Another one was partially dismantled and replaced between 3100 and 2900 BC by a collective
grave. This very changeover makes this site particu33
This variability may also be caused by the cultural diversity
which reigns in the source regions of the steppic complex
(Jeunesse 2015).
34
Hasler 1998; Hasler 2005; detailed analysis in: Jeunesse
2015.
35
Renault 2006.
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Ideology of the Warrior
Fig. 6.
Funerary architectures
of steppe tradition
(Chalcolithic and Early
Bronze Age). A Kriaritsi,
Greece, Early Bronze
Age; B barrows II, III
and V, Ventabren,
Bouches-du-Rhône,
France; ca. 3000 BC);
C barrows 2 and 12,
Usatovo, Ukraine, Usatovo culture; second
half of the 4th millenium; D Aul Kubin, Russia, Maikop culture;
second half of the
4th millenium. –
(A after Rahmstorf
2010; B after Hasler
et al. 2002; C after
Anthony 2007; D after
Häusler 1994).
larly emblematic in the way that it offers us an interesting picture of the resistance showed by the indigenous cultures in front of the ideology of the warrior. A first ‘‘steppe’’ stage, very far away from the
megalithic collective graves which rule over the regional funerary landscape of that time, is followed
by a kind of re-appropriation of the cemetery by the
locals. This scenario has its parallel in the early,
pre-Bell Beaker stage of the Sion cemetery, where
an anthropomorphic stele testifying to a former
‘‘steppe’’-like state of the site was reemployed by
the builders of a dolmen on platform containing a
collective grave collective grave which perfectly fits
the overall climate of the second megalithic period.
A similar replacement of a single grave in a round
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barrow with a kurgan-like stone ring by a collective
grave has been observed on another site in the
Provence area, the Ubac dolmen in Goult (Vaucluse,
France), where one can also see reemployed aniconic steles.36 On this site again, an attempt at ‘‘kurganization’’ seems obviously to have been stopped
by a ‘‘conservative’’ reaction.
The advantage of a model based on a diffusion of steppe traits and a ‘‘clash of ideologies’’
–which will very likely raise virulent criticism – is
the possibility it offers to understand globally the
available data, even the most weird ones. The diffusionist explanation is truly the only one to satisfac36
Sauzade 2012.
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Christian Jeunesse
torily account for both the nature and concomitance
of the changes which affect the areas discussed
herein during the last centuries of the fourth millennium.
Conclusions
The introduction pointed out the existence of two
regions where the ideology of the warrior existed as
early as the fourth millennium. Adding to this proposition I suggested that these two areas can be
related to each other by a diffusion route across
Southern Europe and be part of a one and only historical process. Central Europe, the northern half of
Western Europe and Northern Europe, where cultures pertaining to the Danubian (Baden) or Michelsberg/TRBK traditions go on prospering, remain
more or less completely untouched by this process.
These areas represent as many resistance centers
that will much later end up opening to the ideology
of the warrior thanks to the diffusion of the Corded
Ware-Bell Beaker complex. As the reader may have
noticed, this idea of a wide diffusion of steppe
origin that would have happened during the last
centuries of the fourth millennium brings me to follow Marija Gimbutas’s footsteps. And yet, the scenario I propose differs from her interpretations37 on
several basic issues:
– Like Harrison and Heyd’s work, it is based on
widely renewed resources and on a chronological
frame far more precise than the one Gimbutas
had at her disposal.
– Gimbutas had indeed identified a wave from the
steppes dated to the end of the fourth millennium and very pertinently thought its origins
were to be searched for in the Maikop culture,38
but she did not apprehend that this wave had
deep historical consequences only in southern
Europe; in other words she was not able to identified the preferential route spreading from the
North of the Black Sea to Andalusia through the
Italian Peninsula.
As far as I am concerned, this event corresponds to
the first great wave of influences from the Steppes. I
firmly deny the existence of a prior wave dated to
the 5th millennium, as postulated by Gimbutas. As
B. Govedarica demonstrated,39 the convergences at
that time between the Steppes area and the ‘‘old’’
Neolithic Europe come from flows of ideas that circulated in the opposite direction, from the Carpathian-Balkan block towards the steppes.
37
Gimbutas 1994.
38
Gimbutas 1994, 53.
39
Govedarica 2004.
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Yet, I am also convinced that the steppe influences and the ideology of the warrior have been
one of the major driving forces in the historical
transformations at the end of the Neolithic, as early
as the second half of the fourth millennium in
southern Europe, and during the third millennium
everywhere else. In the scenario proposed here,
the first and powerful impulsion is given by the
Maikop culture, the most significant result being
the emergence of the great Italian Chalcolithic cultures. A long period ensues during which the ideology of the warrior evolves differently according to
the areas: consolidation and development in Italy
during the first half of the third millennium; elsewhere, creation of syncretism due to the cultural
mixing with the long existing ideology of the megalithic collective grave cultures. The confrontation of
these ideologies may have also lead to conflicts, as
testified by the restoration of the former order in
places such as Sion, Ventabren and Goult. This first
wave of influences leads to the creation of a network connecting the steppes and western Mediterranean basin, in which the roads will along the centuries favor the diffusion of the eastern traits that
keep on arriving during the first half of the third
millennium, as brilliantly demonstrated by Harrison
and Heyd.
According to the regions, the appearance of
the warrior graves comes along with the emergence
of a vigorous development of the copper metallurgy,
the intentional use of the copper-arsenic alloy being
one of its main features. Parallel to this technical
mutation one must mention the appearance of a
whole range of new metallic types, most of them
reproducing types already known in the steppes before 3500 BC. These artefacts are found in stereotyped funerary sets which also imitate those of the
steppes. The Alcalá burial is the most spectacular
testimony of the simultaneous appearance of rich
military funerary goods and a mighty copper metallurgy, which simply reproduces the combination
that led to the extraordinary development of the
Maikop culture. The central role of the copper metallurgy in the revolution I tried to outline leads me
to propose the integration of the regions in question in the ‘‘Circumpontic metallurgy province’’ previously described by E. N. Chernykh, and in which
the systematic use of the copper-arsenic alloy is
one of the main characteristics.40 Western Mediterranean would thus be considered as a kind of ‘‘Wild
West’’ to this province.
Research about the end of the Neolithic has
so far attributed a structuring role to the chronological division between a megalithic and collectivist ‘‘pre’’ time, and an individualistic and warrior
40
Chernykh 1992; Chernykh 2008.
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Ideology of the Warrior
‘‘post’’ time that would take place according to the
region at the time of advent of the Corded Ware or
Bell Beaker cultures. Yet, this pattern can actually
be applied only to part of the European territory.
Even if the historical scenario I have tried to sketch
can be contested, one must admit that the individualistic and warrior ideology is already well established elsewhere in the second half of the fourth
millennium. Along with the traditional vertical division, we have to take into account a geographical
division which, between 3500/3100 and 2500 BC,
distinguishes between the areas already deeply
transformed by the ideology of the warrior, and
others belonging to the second megalithic movement, the most recent expressions of the Michelsberg/TRBK complex and the Danubian Neolithic,
and where the steppe characters remain limited
during the centuries prior to the appearance of the
Corded Ware, then of the Bell Beaker cultures, as
perfectly demonstrated by Harrison and Heyd. Obviously, this global dualism must not obliterate the
local particularisms, in particular in the areas, such
as the South of France, where the struggle between
the old ideology of collective graves and megalithism on the one hand, and the ideology of the warrior on the other hand, leads to the appearance of
mixed situations and some cases of resurgence of
the former on sites where the latter had established
itself. These facts testify to the existence of conflicting cohabitation and of a situation of concurrence
between civilizations which can be considered as
one of the major factor of historical change at the
end of the Late Neolithic I.
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Autorenadresse:
Christian Jeunesse
Université de Strasbourg
MISHA
5 allée du Général Rouvillois
F-67083 Strasbourg cedex
Summary
It has long been a tradition, when sketching a broad picture of Neolithic Europe, to date one of the major historical turning points to the transition between the megalithic period of the Late Neolithic I (the SOM-HorgenWartberg horizon) and the beaker cultures of the Late
Neolithic II (Corded Ware and Bell Beaker). According to
this theory, the emergence of the Corded Ware culture at
the beginning of the third millennium, followed a few centuries later in other areas by the Bell Beaker culture,
would coincide with the beginning of a new ideology
allowing a greater role to the individual and focused on
the warrior figure, as suggested by the symbolic value
granted to the weapons (dagger, axe and bow). And yet,
it is often overlooked that this pattern is relevant only for
part of Europe. In other regions, particularly the area encompassing the North Pontic steppes and the fore-Caucasus region and several areas of the western Mediterra-
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nean, the ideology of the warrior is strongly established
as early as the second half of the fourth millennium BC.
This article will briefly examine the data available for the
western Mediterranean. The upheavals that have affected
the concerned areas (Italy, Iberian Peninsula and South
of France) during the 3400 –3000 BC chronological horizon (development of metallurgy, emergence of new types
of copper or flint weapons, warrior graves, and anthropomorphic steles) suggest the existence of a homogeneous
movement of diffusion expressing differently according to
the type and degree of the local reactions. Concerning the
origins of this movement, the recent available data tend
to confirm the old theory of the steppe influences. It is
remarkable indeed that the bundle of traits which characterize the ideological revolution in the western Mediterranean at the end of the fourth millennium and those present in the North Pontic area and the North Caucasus
foothill before 3500 BC, especially in the Maikop culture,
display a similar configuration.
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Christian Jeunesse
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0;ªº-æ=; 4$;Ø $*;(ŁŁ, ,;Å=ŁŒ=;,*=Ł* Œ#º5$#(ß
ł=#(;,;Ø Œ*(->ŁŒŁ , =-å-º* $(*$5*ª; $ßæ'å*º*$Ł', Ł
:;æº*+#2ø*Ø *Ø =*æŒ;º5ŒŁ> ,*Œ->Ł :;Å+=**, , +(#ªŁı
(*ªŁ;=-ı, Œ#º5$#(ß Œ;º;Œ;º;,Ł+=ßı Œ#ÆŒ;,, æ;,:-+-*$
æ =-å-º;> =;,;Ł Ł+*;º;ªŁŁ, #+*º'2ø*Ø Æoº5ł#2 (;º5
ºŁå=;æ$Ł/Ł=+Ł,Ł+#-º# Ł æ";Œ#æŁ(;,-==#2 =- "Łª#(*
,;Ł=-, Œ-Œ 4$; :(*+:;º-ª-*$æ' æŁ>,;ºŁå*æŒŁ> Å=-å*=Ł*> ;(#ÇŁ' (ŒŁ=Ç-º, $;:;( Ł º#Œ).
¨ $*> =* >*=**, Å-å-æ$#2 #:#æŒ-*$æ' ŁÅ ,Ł+- $;,
å$; 4$- >;+*º5 (*º*,-=$=- $;º5Œ; +º' å-æ$Ł ¯,(;:ß.
´ +(#ªŁı >*æ$-ı, , ;æ;Æ*==;æ$Ł , (*ªŁ;=*, ,Œº2å-2ø*> , æ*Æ' æ*,*(=ß* :;=$ŁØæŒŁ* æ$*:Ł, ˇ(*+Œ-,Œ-ÅæŒŁØ (*ªŁ;= Ł =*Œ;$;(ß* å-æ$Ł Å-:-+=;ª; 0(*+ŁÅ*>=;>;(5', Ł+*;º;ªŁ' ,;Ł=- æ";(>Ł(;,-º-æ5 #Ç* ,;
,$;(;Ł :;º;,Ł=* å*$,*($;ª; $ßæ'å*º*$Ł' +; =.4.
Eurasia Antiqua Band 20/2014
Stand vom: 20.9.2017
˜-==-' æ$-$5' ,Œ(-$ç* (-ææ>-$(Ł,-*$ +;æ$#:=ß*
+-==ß* :; Å-:-+=;># 0(*+ŁÅ*>=;>;(52.
0+,ŁªŁ/:;$('æ*=Ł', Å-$(;=#,łŁ* #:;>'=#$ßØ (*ªŁ;= (¨$-ºŁ', ¨Æ*(ŁŁæŒŁŁ :;º#;æ$(;, Ł 2ª J(-=磣) ,
:*(Ł;+ >*Ç+# 3400–3000 ªª. +; =.4. ((-Å,Ł$Ł* >*$-ºº#(ªŁŁ, :;',º*=Ł* =;,ßı ,Ł+;, >*+=;ª; ŁºŁ Œ(*>=*,;ª;
;(#ÇŁ', Å-ı;(;=*=Ł' ,;Ł=;, Ł -=$(;:;>;("=ß* æ$*ºß)
:;+(-Å#>*,-2$ æ#ø*æ$,;,-=Ł* ª;>;ª*==;Ø +Ł""#ÅŁŁ,
:(Ł;Æ(*$-,ł*Ø (-źŁå=ß* ";(>ß ,ß(-Ç*=Ł', , Å-,ŁæŁ>;æ$Ł ;$ ,Ł+- Ł #(;,=' >*æ$=;Ł (*-ŒçŁŁ.
˚-æ-$*º5=;-Ç* ,;:(;æ- ; :(;Łæı;Ç+*=ŁŁ +,ŁÇ*=Ł', ˝;,ß* +;æ$#:=ß* +-==ß* Ł>**$ $*=+*=çŁ2
:;+$,*(Ç-$5 æ$-(#2 $*;(Ł2 æ$*:=ßı "-Œ$;(-ı :(;Łæı;Ç+*=Ł' +Ł""#ÅŁŁ.
´-Ç=; Å->*$Ł$5, å$; æ;,;Œ#:=;æ$5 :(ŁÅ=-Œ;,, ı-(-Œ$*(ŁÅ#2øŁı Ł+*;º;ªŁå*æŒ#2 (*,;º2çŁ2 , Å-:-+=;>
0(*+ŁÅ*>=;>;(5* , Œ;=ç* å*$,*($;ª; $ßæ'å*º*$Ł'-:;Œ-Åß,-2$ ";(>ß, :;+;Æ=ß* :(ŁÅ=-Œ->, Ł>*,łŁ> >*æ$;
Æß$5 +; 3500 ª;+- +; =.4. , æ*,*(;:;=$ŁØæŒŁı æ$*:'ı Ł
=- æ*,*(;Œ-,Œ-ÅæŒ;> :(*+ª;(5*.
Trennprogr.: DeutschNeu
O:/DAI/Eurasia_Ant_20/3d/003/41ai003u_NEU.3d
Satzprogramm: 3B2
insgesamt 14 Seiten
Bearb.: DP
Verwendete Schrift: Meta (Open Type) — Registerhaltigkeit Grundschrift